- Published Date
- Written by Linda Chavez
Presidential appointees take an oath "to preserve, protect and defend" not the president who appointed them but rather the Constitution of the United States. It would do well for President Donald Trump's appointees, including those who serve in the highest levels of the White House, to remember that. Their primary duty is not to an individual, no matter how much personal loyalty they may feel they owe him, but to the sovereign laws of the nation. In his first week in office, President Trump has already tested the duty of his highest-level appointees, and some have come up short.
Within the first few days of his administration, the president called on top White House staffers to spread disinformation -- and they complied. From press secretary Sean Spicer's debut briefing the day after the swearing-in, where he asserted that "this was the largest audience to ever witness an inauguration -- period -- both in person and around the globe" to counselor Kellyanne Conway's defense of this untruth as based on "alternative facts," these individuals let down both the American people and, ironically, the president. The issue was a trivial one. Who cares how many people witnessed the president's swearing-in, after all? But misstating verifiable facts and then doubling down when the falsehoods are exposed is dangerous and erodes the trust of the people these officials are meant to serve -- namely, the American people.
What followed this bizarre episode is much more troubling, however. It is one thing to lie about crowd size but quite another to lie about election fraud. Once again, President Trump sent his spokesman out to repeat an untruth, that 3 million to 5 million people illegally voted in the 2016 election. When pushed, Spicer said that maybe the administration would investigate -- and within hours, the president tweeted, "I will be asking for a major investigation into VOTER FRAUD, including those registered to vote in two states, those who are illegal and even, those registered to vote who are dead (and many for a long time)." So, we will now commit who knows how much money to investigating alleged fraudulent voting without a scintilla of evidence to warrant it. What next? Maybe President Trump will reinvestigate whether Barack Obama was born in the United States or launch an inquiry into the "thousands" of Muslims who "celebrated" in Jersey City as the twin towers came down on 9/11.
If Spicer and Conway can't stand up to President Trump's request to repeat untruths, how can we expect others in his administration to respond when he orders them to do something not just dishonest but illegal? We may soon see, as a draft executive order leaked this week shows that the new administration is contemplating reviving so-called black sites overseas, where the CIA might use interrogation techniques not approved in the Army Field Manuals as required under current U.S. law. Though the techniques the president wants to resume were not named specifically in the draft document, he left no doubt in an interview this week with ABC News that he believes "torture works" and that he wants "to fight fire with fire." CIA Director Mike Pompeo and Secretary of Defense James Mattis have both testified they will not reinstate waterboarding, which U.S. law defines as torture, but neither man would be likely to be sitting on the administering end of the water hose. Would lower-level officials refuse to torture if an order came from the White House and not the head of their agency? It takes courage to stand up to power. We've seen little of it so far in this administration.
And what about Congress? The Constitution establishes a separation of powers, the particular genius of our American system. By not vesting power with any one branch of government, the Founding Fathers created a self-regulating bulwark against tyranny.
However, although it is a little too early in Trump's administration to know the direction the president intends to go, so far he has wielded his executive pen to order the types of changes that should come from Congress. Instead of saying he'd work with Congress to establish a better border security system, he issued an executive order to build a border wall he still claims Mexico will pay for, which prompted the president of Mexico to cancel a planned U.S. visit, precipitating Trump's first international incident. Trump also issued an executive order that not only changed priorities for deportation of unauthorized immigrants, something within his authority, but also redefined as "criminals" even some immigrants who have never been charged with a crime, which was not.
The new administration has started down a slippery slope. It's not too late to stop the erosion of trust, but it will take individuals willing to say "no" when the president's demands conflict with their duty to the Constitution, which they've sworn to uphold.
- Published Date
- Written by Roger Clegg
A couple of years ago, a bad Senate resolution was introduced, encouraging the entire private sector to adopt a ramped-up version of the National Football League’s “Rooney Rule”: That rule originally required that at least one racial minority be introduced for any head coaching vacancy, and the Senate resolution now wants interviewed at least two “qualified minority candidates for each managerial opening at the director level and above” and least two minority-owned businesses for vendor contracts.
Well, that bad Senate resolution is back. What remains especially lamentable is that it’s being proposed not by Bernie Sanders but by Tim Scott, who should know better, and it’s being cosponsored by Marco Rubio and Rand Paul, among others. Here’s our critique from last time around, which still stands. It’s bad policy and unconstitutional.
Relatedly, a recent article in the Washington Post says that the Democrats in Congress are contemplating adoption of their own “Rooney Rule” when it comes to hiring staff. But as I have discussed before, the Rooney Rule is bad as a matter of both law and policy:
* * *
Why Is Smokey Never a Polar Bear? – Shortly before leaving office, President Obama issued a “Presidential Memorandum — Promoting Diversity and Inclusion in Our National Parks, National Forests, and Other Public Lands and Waters.” It orders the National Park Service and such agencies to do better when it comes to having “diverse” employees and visitors by, for example, rooting out “unconscious bias”; see recent posts on the dubiousness of such enterprises here and here. There’s no suggestion that any lack of diversity among employees or visitors is due to actual discrimination; rather, the memorandum is simply another reflection of the Left’s obsession that there be no enterprise anywhere that has a politically incorrect demographic balance.
But why stop with national park employees and visitors? There needs to be more “biodiversity” in the parks’ flora and fauna, too. If evergreens insist on being monochromatic, they should be uprooted and replaced. It’s obvious to even a tourist that bears of color are greatly overrepresented at parks in the lower 48, and we need more female deer with antlers and more male deer without. Even more fundamentally, “Yellowstone” is a microaggression against Asian Americans, and no self-respecting feminist will ever visit Grand Teton National Park.
Here’s hoping the Trump administration will put an end to this sort of nonsense.
* * *
A Trip Down Memory Lane – A recent New York Times op-ed by Donald Moynihan claims that attacks on free speech have occurred mostly "elite private institutions like Oberlin and Yale," not in "large public institutions [like those] in Michigan, Texas, and Wisconsin" where he has taught.
Center for Equal Opportunity supporters, however, may recall that in 2011 we had an experience at the University of Wisconsin that calls this claim into question. But, in all fairness, I’m not sure I would give the school a failing grade based on my own experience there (I won’t defend the school in other respects).
Here are the details: It’s true that a university official orchestrated a student protest against our press conference releasing a study that year documenting the school’s use of racial preferences in admission, and that the protest was an ugly one. Our press conference was held off-campus at a hotel, but the protestors broke into building, injured at least one hotel employee, eventually swarmed — chanting — into the press conference itself (it was essentially over by the time they got in), and then attempted to pursue me into the elevator I was taking to my room (my friend professor emeritus Lee Hansen and hotel employees kept them out).
That’s the bad part, and I figured that, after all this, the school would seize upon some pretext to cancel a Federalist Society debate on affirmative action that I was scheduled to participate in that evening. But here’s where the school redeemed itself: It insisted that, no, there would be no heckler’s veto, moved the event to a larger forum (the student union building, where the security would be better), beefed up campus security (escorting me to and from the event), and the show went on (there was some unruliness in the audience, but it was manageable, and I was not prevented from saying anything I wanted to say).
The university officials quoted to me the school’s “sifting and winnowing” metaphor regarding its traditional commitment to free speech; you can read all about that metaphor here. The net result for the Center for Equal Opportunity was an event that was actually bigger (nearly a thousand students, as I recall) than it would have been otherwise, and of course we got some good publicity for it (e.g., on the O’Reilly Factor).
Anyway, I wanted to give credit where it’s due, regarding this particular event.
* * *“Social Justice” and Free Speech – And while we’re in the groves of academe: Friedrich Hayek famously noted how the word “social” as an adjective effectively means “not” — so that social science is not really science, and social climbing is not really climbing, and of course social justice is not really justice at all. That came to mind as I read George Leef’s column here about a case now being presented to the Rhode Island state supreme court, in which a student at a state school is being denied the opportunity to pursue his degree in social work, because of an unwillingness to advocate for the right kind of social change, all in the name of social justice. Well, social justice or not, there are some First Amendment problems here, and the Cato Institute, National Association of Scholars, and Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) have filed an amicus brief urging the court to take the case.
- Published Date
- Written by Linda Chavez
In a matter of a couple of weeks, Donald J. Trump will be sworn in to office as the 45th president of the United States. But which Trump will occupy the Oval Office is an open question. Will it be the man who has assembled, for the most part, a team of well-qualified and impressive individuals to run the government's most important agencies and departments? Or will it be the man who'd rather believe the likes of Vladimir Putin and Julian Assange than the U.S. intelligence community when it comes to Russia's efforts to influence American elections? Will he spend his first days in office laying out concrete plans to boost the economy through comprehensive tax and regulatory reform? Or will he continue to jawbone individual companies he deems insufficiently committed to keeping a relative handful of jobs in the U.S.? Most importantly, will he immerse himself in learning the details of U.S. foreign policy to formulate careful plans to undo some of the damage that has been done in the past eight years? Or will he continue to rely primarily on cable news talking heads as his source of information and Twitter as his command post for signaling policy changes?
Trump will enjoy no honeymoon. The press is hostile. Democrats are furious. And the public is equally divided about whether he will be a good president. He enters office with the lowest approval ratings of any president-elect in modern history. But most worrisome, Trump is almost sure to face an immediate crisis somewhere in the world.
The likeliest scenario is a missile launch from North Korea to test its long-range nuclear delivery capacity. On New Year's Day, Kim Jong Un announced he intends to test a new version of an intercontinental ballistic missile, which, if successful, could put the United States in the bull's-eye of a potential nuclear attack in the not-too-distant future. North Korea engaged in similarly provocative actions shortly after Barack Obama took office in 2009 and shortly after he was sworn in for a second term in 2013, testing nuclear devices just months or weeks after the president's inaugurations. North Korea's fifth nuclear test, which took place in September 2016, is estimated to be its most powerful bomb yet, at 10 to 20 kilotons, and Kim claimed at the time that the country can make a bomb small enough to be used on the warhead of a missile.
Trump delivered his reaction to Kim's threats by tweet: "North Korea just stated that it is in the final stages of developing a nuclear weapon capable of reaching parts of the U.S. It won't happen!" With as unstable a leader as Kim Jong Un, those words could provoke even more dangerous actions. Kim is the most delusional leader in the world, a totalitarian who lives in constant fear of an attack by the "imperialist" United States and believes that North Korea's only defense is to attack first, as it did in 1950, when 75,000 North Korean soldiers crossed the 38th parallel into South Korea, launching the Korean War. Kim reiterated his commitment to a first strike in his Jan. 1 address: "We will continue to build up our self-defense capability, the pivot of which is the nuclear forces, and the capability for pre-emptive strike as long as the United States and its vassal forces keep on nuclear threat and blackmail and as long as they do not stop their war games they stage at our doorstep disguising them as annual events."
Trump must be prepared with more than bombastic tweets if he hopes to keep Kim in check, and he should do so quietly and with expert counsel. The men and women he must now look to for an assessment of the dangers are the very people he has spent the past few weeks denigrating -- the professional intelligence community. Trump needs to keep his eyes and mind open, his mouth shut and his fingers occupied with something other than his Twitter account. But the real test will be whether those he's selected for the jobs of running our defense, foreign policy and intelligence agencies can deliver news Trump doesn't want to hear when it's necessary -- and whether Trump will be willing to listen.
- Published Date
- Written by Roger Clegg
Let me begin my take on Barack Obama’s farewell address last week and the state of race relations as he leaves office by quoting what I wrote in 2004, after he delivered the Democratic National Convention keynote that vaulted him into the public eye:
Barack Obama gave a fine speech, but it was not a speech that reflects the current Democratic Party. It celebrated America as “a magical place”; it did not bemoan our racism and imperialism. It professed that this black man “owe[d] a debt to those who came before” him; it did not call for reparations. It spoke of an “awesome God”; it did not banish Him from public discourse. It admitted that black parents, and black culture, need to change the way black children are raised; it did not blame or even mention racism. It quoted “E pluribus unum” and translated it correctly as “Out of many, one”; it did not misquote it, as Al Gore infamously did, as “Many out of one.” Most of all, the speech celebrated one America, “one people,” and rejected the notion of a black America, a white America, a Latino America, and an Asian America — a notion completely foreign to the multiculturalism that now dominates the Democratic Party.
Alas, the Democratic party of 2017 is just as bad as it was in 2004, and Barack Obama has gotten worse in the intervening years.
A sizeable chunk of Obama’s farewell address was devoted to “race relations.” Let me give credit where it is due: He acknowledged that race relations have gotten better in recent decades “no matter what some folks say,” which separates him from many on the hard left who insist that there’s as much racism now as there was under Jim Crow and it’s just better disguised. (See, for example, the title of one holy text in this area, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness.) The president is also to be praised for a (rather oblique, admittedly) swipe at the notion of “white privilege,” when he warned nonwhites to have some sympathy for “the middle-aged white guy who, from the outside, may seem like he’s got advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic and cultural and technological change. We have to pay attention, and listen.”
In other respects, however, the speech was disappointing, especially compared with what Obama said in 2004. Racism past and present is now put at center stage, and indeed it is emphasized that the “effects of slavery and Jim Crow” are still with us. The president warned that “we need to uphold laws against discrimination,” as if anyone is calling for their repeal; he suggested that those calling for stricter immigration enforcement do so because immigrants “don’t look like us.”
Obama suggested, too, that there is something wrong with those who criticize racial preferences (a.k.a. affirmative action), dismissing the notions of “an undeserving minority” and “reverse racism” and “political correctness.” The fact of the matter is that, too often, he is wrong when he says protesters (and I’m thinking in particular of campus protesters) are “not demanding special treatment but equal treatment.”
The president rightly called for greater unity and “common purpose.” Even if this time he did not use the phrase E pluribus unum, he did endorse “a basic sense of solidarity -– the idea that for all our outward differences, we’re all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.” He quoted the Declaration of Independence, honored the military, and expressed his desire for a nation where every citizen “loves this country.” These were all laudable sentiments.
But the policies of Obama’s party, and his administration, are inconsistent with achieving E pluribus unum. His administration has, in any number of ways, insisted on the government’s classifying people according to skin color and national origin, and indeed he has proposed on his way out the door that the Census ramp up the use of these classifications. In other respects, too, his policies and language divide us, rather than uniting us through patriotic assimilation. How can he call for “common purpose” and “solidarity” and, at the same time, insist that it is perfectly okay for Americans to be treated differently based on their race and the country their ancestors came from?
The biggest fault of the speech, though, was in something that the president did not say, or even advert to. I noted above that the 2004 speech “admitted that black parents, and black culture, need to change the way black children are raised.” And from time to time the president has been willing to confront, in particular, the problem of out-of-wedlock births among African Americans. Indeed, it was such talk that prompted Jesse Jackson (who has fathered at least one child out of wedlock) to threaten to “cut [Obama’s] nuts off” in 2008. But there was no mention of the implosion of the black family in the farewell address, even though out-of-wedlock births — and not just among African Americans — are the country’s number-one social problem.
In a word: Nothing can purport to be a serious discussion of race relations in this country unless it discusses out-of-wedlock birthrates, because it is the disparity in out-of-wedlock birthrates that now most drives other racial disparities.
Consider the federal government’s latest numbers on out-of-wedlock birthrates, by race and ethnicity. The data are from last summer, and they contain nothing new or surprising. But it is disturbing and depressing nonetheless. In 2015, 40.2 percent of all births were out of wedlock, and there are very big disparities among the different racial and ethnic groups. Highest are non-Hispanic blacks at 70.4 percent, followed by American Indians/Alaska Natives at 65.8 percent, and Hispanics at 52.9 percent. Somewhat better are non-Hispanic whites at 29.2 percent, with the lowest figures by Asians/Pacific Islanders at 16.4 percent.
That’s a big range — from more than seven out of ten to fewer than two out of ten — and there is an obvious fit between how well a group is doing by any social indicator you like (education, crime, employment, poverty, etc.) and the percentage of children it produces out of wedlock. This turns out to be true not only across different racial and ethnic groups but also within them.
Racism is a bad thing, and it still exists. But the president is right that only the delusional think it is anything like the problem it was 50 years ago. The principal impediment for those who would like to narrow our ongoing racial disparities is not racism; it’s the “70.4 percent” figure above. Obama had a duty to talk about that again, too, and he failed to do so.
The Left has never been happy with anyone, especially a black president, saying this, and it has always insisted on race-specific, rather than race-neutral, social programs. As his presidency ends, alas, Obama has acceded more and more on both points.
I don’t think that Martin Luther King would be happy with this. He did, after all, dream of a country where individuals are judged by the content of their character, not the color of their skin. As for the disintegration of the black family, it was well under way in the 1960s, as Daniel Patrick Moynihan warned. Dr. King had his extramarital affairs, but he was a pastor, and it is hard to imagine that he would be happy about the rate of out-of-wedlock births among African Americans, which is more than double today what it was back then.
There was speculation after Obama’s farewell speech that he might return to his community organizing. I mean no disrespect when I say that I hope he will. He said near the end of his speech that he was proudest of the fact that he is his daughters’ father. In that, and in his marriage to Michelle, he is an invaluable role model where one is most sorely needed.
- Published Date
- Written by Linda Chavez
Dear CEO Supporter,
2016 has been a banner year for the Center for Equal Opportunity (CEO), as we continue in our relentless opposition to race-based policies by the government at the federal and state level, and by other politically correct institutions. That’s why we are asking for your help again.
But first let me tell you about some of what we’ve been up to. This year, especially with the emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement and rampant political correctness on college campuses and elsewhere, the race baiters have been out in full force—trying to inflame the nation and irresponsibly play the race card at every turn. But CEO has been out there fighting back, speaking and writing on these issues and leading the fight against the racialization of our campuses and other institutions. And we are optimistic that with the incoming administration and new Congress that we will have a positive influence in turning back racial preference policy.
The current top priority of CEO is monitoring, publicizing, and challenging the use of racial preferences and other race-based decision-making. CEO keeps an eye on not only news stories and government websites but also the Federal Register, the public filings of the federal government (particularly the Justice Department’s civil rights division, the EEOC, and the Education Department), the introduction of federal bills, and nominees to the both the executive branch and the judiciary. When we uncover instances of racial preference policies, we publicize those policies and then lead and coordinate opposition to them in the court of public opinion—speaking on campuses, coordinating other conservative groups, and writing in magazines, newspapers, and online publications—and in the courts themselves.
Here are just a few highlights of CEO’s work. We continue to give unmatched bang for the buck.
Supreme Court Litigation -- One prominent area of our activity over the years has been in Supreme Court litigation. CEO has been heavily involved in dozens of such cases. Here are just two recent examples:
- Schuette v. By Any Means Necessary (BAMN) – The Center for Equal Opportunity succeeded in helping persuade the Supreme Court to hear—and rule correctly in—this important civil-rights case. The full U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit had held that, bizarrely, Michigan's anti-preference Proposal 2 violates the U.S. Constitution's Equal Protection Clause. CEO was involved in this case for a long time, first in the lower courts and then in the Supreme Court. In fact, we helped get Proposal 2 passed in the first place, by releasing studies that documented how heavily racial and ethnic preferences were being used at Michigan public universities. We joined and helped write a brief urging the Court to take the case, and joined and helped write another brief once the case was on the Court’s docket. We participated in a moot court for the State of Michigan counsel and provided comments on the state’s brief. And we won: The Court upheld Proposal 2.
- Shelby County v. Holder – In this case, the Supreme Court struck down the coverage formula of Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act; this should end much of the politically correct racial gerrymandering that was a product of Section 5. CEO again played an important role, filing amicus briefs at both the petition stage and on the merits, and participating in the coordination of other amicus briefs, in addition to Mr. Clegg and I testifying before Congress against re-enacting Section 5 in the first place. CEO is also working to inform the public about why Congress should not undo the good work the Supreme Court did in this case.
Lower Court Cases – CEO has also joined amicus briefs in a number of other recent cases in the lower federal courts. For example, in EEOC v. Kaplan we limited the EEOC’s disparate-impact enforcement policy. We worked with Pacific Legal Foundation regarding its recent cert petition in a case challenging racial preferences in employment, and in a number of federal appellate cases involving racial preferences in government contracting. We are also now working on a wide variety of cases involving the defense of voter ID requirements (where we argue in particular to limit the use of the disparate-impact approach) and in two cases now pending that involve redistricting issues (where we seek to minimize the use of race). In all these cases we have joined and help write amicus briefs with our allies.
Studies of Racial Discrimination at College and Universities – Another important area of our work is the dozens of studies the Center for Equal Opportunity has published over the years that document the heavy weight given to race and ethnicity in school admissions. By using the universities’ own admissions data, obtained through freedom-of-information requests, CEO has exposed the use of racial preferences in college admissions. Perhaps the most noteworthy of these studies are those that were published just prior to the vote on ballot initiatives to ban such discrimination in California, Washington, Michigan, Nebraska, Arizona, and Oklahoma. In all six states, the initiatives passed (we were also active in Colorado, the one state where an initiative failed, albeit narrowly).
The release of our Wisconsin studies prompted university officials to instigate student protests resulting in a rowdy mob effort to disrupt our press conference. Our opponents’ efforts backfired, however, and we received excellent national and local media coverage, and an invitation to return to Madison the following month and testify before the state assembly’s higher education committee, which we happily accepted and which enabled us to confront the university’s witnesses there directly. We have also obtained data from universities in Utah, where a ballot initiative is anticipated, and have published an analysis of that data. We continue to collect data for future studies.
Ending Racial Exclusive Scholarships – The Center for Equal Opportunity has ended racially exclusive scholarships and other programs at dozens of universities all over the country. Our initial successes were with MIT and Princeton; Harvard, Yale, and dozens of others have followed. We have done so by using university websites to identify such programs, contacting the schools, pointing out the illegality of the programs and, when necessary, filing complaints with the Department of Education. For these programs, students of all racial groups may now apply.
Ending Racial Discrimination in Jobs and Contracting – Likewise, the Center for Equal Opportunity has ended racially exclusive job opportunities all over the country. One widely publicized example involved graduate teaching positions at Southern Illinois University, where our efforts resulted in an end to the program and a front-page story in The New York Times.
Frequently federal, state, and local government agencies give or consider giving preferences in the award of public contracts on the basis of race, ethnicity, and sex, but we have been aggressive in opposing them. For example, CEO uses the Internet to find local news stories reporting that city councils or county commissions are considering such programs; when we do, we immediately email to the relevant officials a customized memorandum that describes the legal and policy objections to these programs (and notes recent decisions holding officials personally liable when they have authorized this discrimination without a solid legal predicate).
None of this would have been possible without the help of loyal supporters like you. But to continue our efforts, we need your help now more than ever. Thanks to the sluggish Obama economy, CEO is facing a difficult budget crisis. Yet no one does the work CEO does on these critical issues.
And there is much, much more that we do. We testify before Congress and the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights on issues like whether felons should automatically have voting rights restored (no), whether there should be a commission set up to lay the groundwork for African-American reparations (no again), whether there should be federal legislation on racial profiling (also no), whether Native Hawaiians should be declared an “Indian tribe” so that they can be eligible for preferential treatment (you guessed it: no), and on many other bills.
We have pointed out that Obama administration legislation like the Dodd-Frank bill and Obamacare contained, in addition to their other problems, unconstitutional racial preference provisions, and we have worked with Congress to get rid of federal contracting preferences based on race.
And all that is just at the federal level: We keep busy at the state and local level, too. For example, we frequently weigh in against racial contracting preferences there as well, and of course there is our opposition to racial admissions preferences at state universities.
And, in the court of public opinion, we tirelessly write columns, blog, and speak, not only on television and radio, but on university campuses across the country.
The success we’ve recently had before the Supreme Court is nothing new for CEO. From its founding in 1995, in a wide variety of areas, CEO has helped to drastically change the political and legal landscape on:
- Racial preferences in education, contracting, and employment;
- The detrimental effects of bilingual education;
- The rise of multiculturalism in our schools and other institutions; and
- The importance of assimilation and the impact of immigration on our society.
CEO will be doing all it can to make sure that President Trump makes good appointments, and that his appointees are well briefed on the key issues.
It’s far from a given that the new administration and the new Congress will aggressively advance CEO’s agenda of colorblind equal opportunity—unless we push them to. Unfortunately, Republicans in Congress have generally been timid on our issues. What’s more, President Trump may be tempted to curry favor with the media and to avoid provoking the protestors by being less aggressive than he ought to be on issues like racial preferences and the “disparate impact” approach to civil-rights enforcement.
This, in our view, would be not just a mistake but a betrayal. The people who voted to “make American great again” do not want politically correct racial preferences to be invoked when they apply for a job or their children apply for college. (Politically correct discrimination frequently targets Asians as well, of course, and sometimes Latinos.) When jobs start returning to the Rust Belt, Trump voters don’t want to be treated unfavorably because their skin color happens to be white. Nor, for that matter, do those who voted for someone else.
The Left now plays the race card automatically in its politics: You are told that how you vote is supposed to be all about your racial identity. It would be a travesty if conservatives accept this.
Left and Right should mutually disarm by burning the race card. In our increasingly multi-ethnic and multiracial nation, the only workable approach to race isE pluribus unum. We are all Americans.
And that message cannot be fairly described as divisive, and it should be appealing to the conservative base. It is, in other words, both philosophically principled and politically saleable.
The Center for Equal Opportunity will be working hard for this in the new administration and the new Congress. And we are glad that we can, after this election, have some hope of success when we make our arguments in the judicial branch as well, from the Supreme Court on down.
We need your help to do all this. And we need your help to continue to fight back against the politically correct race-profiteers like Al Sharpton, Jesse Jackson, Black Lives Matter, and their pals in the media.
We understand money is tight right now for many Americans. Just like many families, CEO runs a very tight budget—and we too have taken a big hit by this economy. Unfortunately, in tough times, one of the first cutbacks families make are donations to charitable causes.
CEO has led the nationwide fight against racial preferences—so-called “affirmative action.” We’ve persuaded more than 200 schools to open up their minority-only scholarships to people of all colors. We’ve exposed racial preferences in admissions with hard-hitting studies at over 60 colleges and universities. And we’ve had success after success in all three branches of government.
Will you help by sending a generous donation of $50, $100, $250, $500, or $1000 today? Any donation before the end of the year will be a big help at this critical time. As always, 100 percent of your donation is tax-deductible to the fullest extent of the law.
I truly appreciate all you’ve done for us in the past. I hope to hear from you again very soon.
Chairman and Founder
- Published Date
- Written by Linda Chavez
President-elect Donald Trump conceded this week that he thinks Russia was responsible for hacking the emails of the Democratic National Committee and the Hillary Clinton campaign, though he couldn't help but add the caveat that it "could have been others also." Trump's reluctance to accept the conclusions of the intelligence community on this issue until this week has always been based on the fear that it might cast a pall over his election victory. But what if the point of Russia's interference was not to try to pick a winner but to delegitimize the democratic process altogether? This seems far likelier than the questionable theory that Russian President Vladimir Putin preferred Trump to win. No matter how fawning Trump has been over Putin, Republicans in Congress, as well as Republican appointees who make it through confirmation in any Republican administration, are more reliably committed to a strong, assertive national defense than their Democratic counterparts. It seems naive to believe that Putin's Russia would prefer a Republican administration -- even one led by Trump -- over a Democratic administration.
What Putin wants is an America that is diminished in the eyes of the world. And what better way to accomplish that aim than to make people lose confidence in America's democratic institutions and sow seeds of doubt about the legitimacy of our democratic process, no matter who won? The Russians seem to have done a pretty good job at accomplishing that goal. If elections in the United States are not free and fair, if their outcome can be tampered with or influenced by outside intervention, if Americans themselves are no longer capable of making informed decisions, how is the U.S. any different from countries such as Russia itself? We are looking more and more like a laughingstock, and our institutions, including a free press, are becoming more vulnerable.
When the inauguration takes place next week, Americans will be more divided over the fitness and abilities of the man being sworn in than at any time in recent memory. It's true that there were many of us who didn't believe that Barack Obama was up to the job of leading the Free World based on his limited experience, but even his critics were, for the most part, willing to give him a chance. Obama assumed office with a 75 percent approval rating during the transition period; even George W. Bush entered office with a 65 percent approval rating despite the contentious court battle over whether he had won the election. The same can't be said of Trump. The country remains equally divided over how he has handled his transition, 48-48 percent. More disturbing, only 37 percent of Americans approve of Trump as he enters office. The transfer of power in any democracy requires that the people accept the outcome of the election, even if they don't particularly like it. But the resistance to Trump is worse than any I've seen in my 45-year history in politics. Putin must be chuckling in Moscow.
One of the most important pillars of maintaining a democracy is a free press -- and here, too, Russia played a destructive role during the election. Russia's interference in the election wasn't restricted to hacking emails and releasing embarrassing information; the intelligence community also found evidence that Russia was behind "fake news" stories that millions of Americans tapped into online. But again, what is most worrisome about this meddling is that it has added to doubt in the minds of many Americans about the media in general. The right distrusts the mainstream media (and has for decades), so many conservatives simply tune them out, refusing to believe anything reported by The Washington Post, The New York Times, CNN or the major networks. When, according to a 2016 Gallup Poll, only 32 percent of the public trusts mass media to report news "fully, accurately and fairly," we've got a problem. The media need to correct bias -- or even the appearance of bias -- but it is also incumbent on our political leaders, especially the president-elect, to stop bashing the media. Putin is cheering on this distrust, as are all enemies of freedom.
Democracy can only exist as long as the people trust its institutions. The greatest calamity of this election cycle has been the weakening of that trust. Putin's aims can be accomplished only if we allow him to undermine our belief in our system.
- Published Date
- Written by Linda Chavez
The vicious attack on a Christmas market in Berlin this week reminds us that terrorism has become a fact of life in our world. How do we stop a hate-filled fanatic from ramming a truck into a crowd of holiday shoppers anywhere, anytime? Now that terrorist networks have decided that trucks can be as effective at mass killings as bombs, it will be increasingly difficult to discover and disrupt such attacks. The planning and access to materials required to build, transport and detonate bombs demand a level of sophistication beyond the level of all but the dedicated and connected would-be terrorists. But hijacking a truck and using it as a weapon takes no more skill than that of a common criminal. The wonder is that there have not been more of these attacks on civilian populations in the West.
Increasingly, many people believe that the only way to stop the carnage is to shut our borders to those who might be terrorists. In the wake of the Berlin attack, President-elect Donald Trump said, "You know my plans." But he left open whether he was referring to the wholesale ban on Muslims entering the U.S. he proposed early in his campaign or his revised plan to limit travel from countries with a history of Islamic extremism, which would rule out much of the Arab world, South Asia and even Indonesia and the Philippines. Trump will find implementing such plans difficult, if not impossible. He will be challenged in court, will face serious backlash from the affected countries and could end up playing right into the hands of the terrorist propaganda machine.
Would that it were so easy as building walls and setting up more secure entry systems to stop the terrorist threat in our homeland. Most terrorists who have struck this country have been homegrown, either born in or living in the U.S. much of their lives, and not all of them have been Islamists. Think Timothy McVeigh, who killed 168 people, including 19 children, and injured 684 others by bombing the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City in 1995. Even if we can stop new terrorists from entering the United States, it is nearly impossible to root out every aspiring terrorist already in our midst. That doesn't mean we shouldn't try our best, within constitutional means, but the sad fact is that we will no doubt fail to stop all future attacks.
We live in a time of permanent warfare. Our current wars are not on the same scale as previous wars, but the pain to victims' families is no less for their smaller numbers. The United States lost a half-million lives in the Civil War (at a time when our population was a fraction of today's), over 400,000 during World War II and some 58,000 during Vietnam. We've lost about 2,300 in Afghanistan and nearly 4,500 in Iraq. We have been fortunate throughout our history that most of our battles have been fought on foreign shores, but the war on terror has claimed victims on U.S. soil, as well as abroad. And there is no end in sight for this war.
Our best hope to be victorious in this war is to battle it at its source. We won't defeat the Islamic State group by treating all Muslims as if they are terrorists. Nor should we abandon our constitutional values in hopes of quashing an ideological enemy. But we do have a right to fight the clear and present danger of an Islamic State-led propaganda effort to recruit terrorists from among our residents. We need more and better resources to disrupt Islamic State communication networks. We need continued efforts to dismantle and destroy the terrorist networks in Iraq, Syria and elsewhere. And we need the vigilance of the Muslim community to speak up when a member of the community appears to have succumbed to the attraction of radical Islam.
In the end, we will be victorious in this war because an ideology of hate and subjugation cannot survive forever. But that knowledge is cold comfort to those who will bury their dead this Christmas holiday.
- Published Date
- Written by Roger Clegg
The Department of Justice has law-enforcement responsibilities in all kinds of areas: antitrust, tax, environment, general criminal and civil litigation, and so forth. But just about all the opposition to President-elect Donald Trump’s nominee to head the department as attorney general, Sen. Jeff Sessions, is because of one area: civil rights. That happens to be the Center for Equal Opportunity’s area, too.
Opponents to the nomination are trying to paint Sen. Sessions as a racist, and as someone who therefore will be unenthusiastic about enforcing the civil-rights laws. But the real concern here is not that Sen. Sessions will not enforce the civil-rights laws as a general matter, but that he will not distort their enforcement in key areas of interest to the Left. That is, the real objection to Sen. Sessions is that he does not like the use of racial preferences (a.k.a. affirmative action) or its close cousin and another kind of race-based decisionmaking, the “disparate impact” approach to civil-rights enforcement (which the Left likes to use to attack, for example, ballot security measures, or school-discipline or criminal-background-check employment and housing policies that have racially disproportionate results).
Consider an item from Inside Higher Ed this week:
The American Association for Access, Equity and Diversity on Saturday released a letter urging the U.S. Senate to reject President-elect Donald Trump's nomination of Alabama Senator Jeff Sessions as U.S. attorney general. The group includes many campus diversity and equal opportunity officers, and the letter highlighted a Sessions quote on affirmative action from 1997. At the time, he said, "I think it has, in fact, been a cause of irritation and perhaps has delayed the kind of movement to racial harmony we ought to be going forward [with] today. I think it makes people unhappy if they lost a contract or a right to go to a school or a privilege to attend a university simply because of their race." The diversity group's letter says that Sessions has continued to espouse such views, in particular when rejecting some of President Obama's judicial nominees. This view, the group says, distorts affirmative action in implying that colleges are accepting or rejecting candidates based on race alone.
My posted response to this story:
Oh, come on. If race is a factor in deciding who is admitted, then in some cases it makes the difference between getting in and not getting in. Otherwise, why consider it? And when that happens, then racial discrimination has occurred. No one can seriously claim that the use of racial preferences in admissions does not result in that happening, nor for that matter that race is typically given far heavier weight than a mere tie-breaker. Senator Sessions did not say that race was the only factor, just that it was the deciding one. And I'm not sure that distinction matters anyhow, as a matter of law or policy.
Put the shoe on the other foot: Suppose that a police officer stops and searches suspects in part because of race, but that the officer considers other factors as well (like age, sex, dress, behavior, etc.). Does that mean that racial discrimination is not occurring? What's more, if a black person is stopped because of his race when he would not have been stopped if he had been white, isn't it fair to say he was stopped "simply" because he is black?
The letter here says that affirmative action is designed to "prevent discrimination and to promote opportunities for all who are qualified to compete regardless of their race ...." But in fact the use of racial preferences is "discrimination," by definition, and it does not result in promoting opportunities "regardless" of race.
To elaborate: Conservatives like Sen. Sessions (and we here at the Center for Equal Opportunity) really do think it is better for everyone — better for the country, better for black and white, brown and yellow and red — if the government doesn’t sort people by color and treat some better and some worse as a result of that sorting. We really think it is better to have colorblind policies now rather that at some vague, undetermined point in the future. And we really do think that it’s a bad idea to change standards, to lower standards or to get rid of standards, because of a belief that a disproportionate number of people of this color or that color won’t be able to meet those standards. The message implicit in doing that is divisive and only encourages racist thinking. And, let me add, the Center for Equal Opportunity really does believe that the best way to address racial disparities is to end the disparities in out-of-wedlock birthrates so that children of all races grow up in two-parent homes and will therefore be more likely to meet the standards that are set in our society.
We really believe all that. We really do. And whether other people agree or not, they should be able to understand that such a belief cannot legitimately be called “racist” or that those who hold it can legitimately be characterized as hostile to civil rights.
The Elephant in the Jail Cell – On a related note, the New York Times and the Washington Post each featured long, front-page stories last month about inner-city black crime. They are not labeled as such, but that’s what they are. And both are interesting, as far as they go; kudos especially to the Post’s series on how the District of Columbia’s policy of giving second chances to repeat violent offenders is maybe not working out so well. But neither story seriously grapples with the obvious problem that is nonetheless clearly there, just below the surface of the narrative: Boys are getting into trouble when they grow up in environments where fathers are not in the picture (and their absence is unsurprising since the mothers are not married).
Farewell to Nat Hentoff – Over the weekend, maverick columnist Nat Hentoff died. Mr. Hentoff was a liberal on most issues, but not all, and one of the issues in which he broke ranks with the Left was racial preferences. We were always gratified by his support. R.I.P.
CEO Is Watching You, Federal Bureaucrats – Throughout the Obama administration, the Center for Equal Opportunity has monitored the Federal Register every day with an eye toward blowing the whistle on illegally discriminatory federal programs. Here’s an example of the kind of comment we have sent during this time. By the way, I love the opening sentence of this particular notice: “The SEED program provides funding for grants to National Not-for-Profit Organizations for projects that support teacher or principal training or professional enhancement activities and that are supported by at least Moderate Evidence of Effectiveness.” Let’s Make America Moderately Effective Again!
January 4, 2017
To whom it may concern:
We have two comments on the Federal Register notice of December 22, 2016 (81 FR 93671: “Applications for New Awards; Supporting Effective Educator Development Grant Program”).
First, students who attend a “high-minority school” are defined as a “high-need students” — that is, “students who are at risk of educational failure or otherwise in need of special assistance and support.” Justice Thomas began his concurrence in Missouri v. Jenkins, 515 U.S. 70 (1995), by stating: “It never ceases to amaze me that the courts are so willing to assume that anything that is predominantly black must be inferior.” Does the U.S. Department of Education share this lamentable assumption? If not, then we respectfully suggest that the equation of “high-minority” with “high-need” be discarded in this and future Federal Register notices of this kind.
Second, the notice states that one “priority area” is “[i]ncreasing the number of individuals from groups traditionally underrepresented in STEM, including minorities, individuals with disabilities, and women, who are teachers of STEM subjects and have increased opportunities for high-quality preparation or professional development.” By what statutory authority is the U.S. Department of Education encouraging recipients of federal funds to engage in race- and sex-based decisionmaking? As you may know, it is generally illegal for the government to single out for special treatment or even use classifications based on race, ethnicity, or sex. See Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 515 U.S. 200, 227 (1995) (“all racial classifications … must be analyzed by a reviewing court under strict scrutiny”); Mississippi University for Women v. Hogan, 458 U.S. 718 (1982) (gender classifications require an "exceedingly persuasive justification"); see also 42 U.S.C. 2000d (barring discrimination on the basis of race, color, and national origin in federally funded programs). Indeed, such classifications and favoritism are “presumptively invalid” (see Personnel Administrator v. Feeney, 442 U.S. 256 (1979)). Accordingly, unless there is some explicit statute requiring the use of such categories here, we respectfully request that the highlighted language be deleted.
Thank you for your attention to our concerns, and we look forward to your reply.
- Published Date
- Written by Roger Clegg
As we count our blessings at the end of the year, don’t forget to include thanks to Senator Mitch McConnell and the Senate Judiciary Committee for what they’ve done to keep the federal judiciary from getting any worse than it already is. It’s hard to win even good lawsuits with bad judges.
A few examples that have come across my desk just in the past week or so: George Leef has a fine column on how Grand Valley State University has been sued, rightly, for violating the free-speech rights of its students. Microsoft ought to be sued if it decides to tie the payment of bonuses to how well its managers hit their racial and gender quotas. The Texas State Bar has been sued, again rightly, for its use of such a quota on its board of directors. And here’s a compelling video that Pacific Legal Foundation has posted regarding its lawsuit against a Missouri public-school system for a racial quota that is keeping an African-American student out of a school he could attend if only he were some other race.
More Healing from Our President -- Late on Thursday last week, President Obama announced his appointment of Debo Adegbile to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. Mr. Adegbile, you may recall, was rejected by the Senate when he was nominated by the president to head the Justice Department’s civil-rights division, in large part because of his championing the cause of Mumia Abu-Jamal, a convicted cop killer who captured the radical-chic hearts of the hard Left. That was too much even for some Senate Democrats, and the nomination was also opposed by a number of law-enforcement organizations, as discussed in this Washington Times story.
Note also that, according to people I spoke with currently at the commission, the long tradition has been for outgoing presidents to leave to incoming presidents the appointments to vacancies occurring this late in the term.
So nice going, Mr. President: You’ve broken tradition and otherwise gone out of your way to make a divisive appointment on your way out the door — embarrassing members of your own party, sticking a thumb in the eye of congressional Republicans, and angering the police (at this time of all times) since, among other things, it will inevitably be read as signaling your administration’s solidarity with those who stand on the other side of the thin blue line.
Well, the only good that could come of this is that the new Congress and the new president might conclude that the time has come to end the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. It has long outlived its need: When it was created, nearly 60 years ago, there were few civil-rights agencies in the government at any level, and the work it did in spotlighting and researching civil-rights issues was being done by no one else. Now there are a plethora of such agencies at every level, and there is, to put it mildly, no shortage of people who focus on civil-rights issues, in government, academia, think tanks, you name it.
Rooney Rule Rubbish -- There was a front-page story in the Washington Post last week, which pretends to be a news article but is really an editorial extolling an Oregon state law that requires state-funded schools to follow the National Football League’s “Rooney Rule,” which in turn requires at least one minority to be interviewed when there is a vacancy for a head coaching position. Putting aside my quaint notion that news stories should be unbiased, there are two problems with the Post article.
First, its endorsement of the law is based on the premise that something dramatic must be done to address the shortage of black football coaches. But the article cites no convincing evidence of such a shortage. It says that most football players are black, but that’s not the pool from which coaches are hired. It says that only 7 of 65 Power Five conference coaches are black, and only 14 of 128 major college coaches are black, but in both instances that works out to 11 percent. That, in turn, is not much out of line with the black percentage of the general population, which is 13 percent (and the Post acknowledges that a few years ago the percentage of major college black coaches was actually 18, which means they were then overrepresented). If you factor in the likelihood that most coaches will (a) have a college degree and (b) several years of experience and (c) be male, then I would be astonished if there is any underrepresentation at all.
Second, there is no mention of the fact that the Rooney Rule is illegal. Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act prohibits racial discrimination in private and public employment, and in particular makes it illegal for an employer to “classify his . . . applicants for employment” in a way that discriminates on the basis of race.
It might be objected that there’s no harm here, since it’s only requiring an additional interview. But suppose the shoe were on the other foot, and the requirement was that at least one white candidate always be interviewed. Would that fly?
And there will be harm. Suppose that a team normally narrows the field to four candidates and then interviews them. If it keeps this rule, then if you’re white candidate number four, you’re out of luck, because now you have to make way for the minority interviewee. Suppose the team decides to interview a fifth candidate instead. Well, the minority coach who was the tenth choice now leapfrogs over white candidates six, seven, eight, and nine — all out of luck because they are the wrong color. And, of course, if the minority candidate is hired, then one of the white finalists — the one who would have gotten the job otherwise — is out of luck, too.
Is That All Justice Sotomayor Wants? -- From a recent post at The Weekly Standard:
[Justice Sonia] Sotomayor, one of the Court’s more left-leaning as well as publicly gregarious members, answered questions from interviewer Bill Press and the audience during the course of more than an hour, speaking at length on her formative years in law, her judicial philosophy relative to the late Antonin Scalia and her more originalist contemporaries, and some specific matters of case law she has addressed as a justice during her tenure. One was affirmative action, which has come before the Supreme Court in such cases as Schuette v. Coalition to Defend Affirmative Action (2014) and the Fisher v. University of Texas decisions (2013, 2016).
“Do we still need it?” she asked of the general idea. “If we are committed to ensuring that as a society everyone is stepping outside of their sort of regular routine and stepping outside of what’s easy to do to create a more equal society, then we do need, if not affirmative action, we need that spirit that says we want to be more than we are. We want to be a country that stands as a beacon for every one of its citizens.”
The first of President Obama’s two appointees to the High Court, a summa cum laude graduate of Princeton University, has said she benefitted in part from affirmative action, as she reaffirmed Tuesday. But she also touted the merits of her academic and professional credentials; she’s been a federal judge since Bill Clinton first became president.
“I’m a person who very much doesn’t believe in the old Bakke type of affirmative action, of quotas and things like that,” she said, referencing the 1978 landmark Supreme Court case. “But I do believe that we have to be committed to ensuring that the processes we have in place to select are really selecting on the basis of potential and merit, and not on the basis that happens in many situations: of ingrained habits.”
Well, gee, I too would be happy if universities got rid of “quotas and things like that” and instead were “really selecting on the basis of potential and merit.” That’s not what universities are doing or are likely to do for so long as the Supreme Court allows them to engage in racial discrimination, but it’s very interesting that even the left-most person on the Court feels obliged to distance herself from what the Court is allowing and schools are doing.