- Published Date
- Written by Linda Chavez
Donald Trump is back on the campaign trail. The White House may be in chaos; Congress may be struggling to deliver on a promised rewrite of Obamacare; our NATO allies may be wondering whether they can still count on the U.S. to defend them; the Russians may be so emboldened they've parked a spy ship off Connecticut and sent their warplanes to buzz U.S. destroyers in the Black Sea; but President Trump is heading for a pep rally in Florida this weekend. Will it work? Does it matter?
The biggest temptation in any White House is to lock yourself in a protective bubble. I've been there. I've seen it happen. If you're a senior staffer, as I was in the Reagan White House, you drive through the White House gates shortly after dawn and don't leave until well after sunset, sometimes late at night. You don't go out for meetings. People come to you, mostly those who already support your mission or want favors you're in a position to grant. You eat most of your meals in the West Wing basement mess, where you're treated like royalty. If you must venture out, a chauffeured car drives you.
If you're the president, it's even worse. You don't even go home to sleep in your own bed. The voices you hear all day come from people who largely agree with you and whose job they believe is to protect -- and please -- you. But if you're President Trump, apparently, you spend a lot of time watching cable news. And what you see there is one criticism after another, a view that doesn't jibe with what everyone around you is saying or what you want to believe about your own power, effectiveness and popularity. Is that why President Trump wants to return to the campaign trail? Does he want to be greeted by adoring crowds as he was during the election cycle? If so, he'll be going from one bubble to another, and he still can't escape the turmoil he's wrought in not just Washington but the world.
Watching this White House is surreal. The level of incompetence is unlike any I've witnessed in 40-plus years in politics, and that includes watching the White House during Watergate and the early days of the Carter administration, when a bunch of inexperienced 30-somethings were in charge in the West Wing. The federal courts have slapped down an ill-conceived and poorly drafted Trump executive order on immigration and refugee resettlement. The Republicans in the Senate have forced out a Cabinet nominee. Leaks have revealed extensive contacts between Russian intelligence agents and members of the Trump campaign and transition team and driven the president to push out his own national security adviser. The president himself has insulted allies, including the president of Mexico and the prime minister of Australia, and, after North Korea launched an intermediate-range missile, stood next to the prime minister of Japan at a hastily called news conference like a bit player in t!
he unfolding drama.
When the president speaks, it is clear to anyone who knows policy that his depth of knowledge is a millimeter thin. When he should be talking about issues, he reverts to talking up his election victory -- which he incessantly misstates as the biggest since Ronald Reagan's second one. Whether it's his Electoral College margin, his inaugural crowds or his hands, the president is obsessed with size. Everything about Donald Trump must be bigger, better, smarter, stronger than anything that has come before him, regardless of the facts. Any reporting to the contrary is "fake news."
President Trump will celebrate the culmination of his first month in office in a few days. In normal times, this would have been his honeymoon -- but he's turned it into a messy separation from his allies in Congress, our friends around the world and much of the American public, not to mention a divorce from the truth. The answer isn't to succumb to the siren song of his adoring crowds; it's to break out of the bubble and face the mistakes he and his team have made -- and fix them.
- Published Date
- Written by Roger Clegg
The Center for Equal Opportunity has been particularly active in recent months with its ongoing project of warning state and local governments (especially cities and counties) not to start down the road of awarding government contracts with an eye on race, ethnicity, and sex. Here’s the sort of memorandum (citations and links omitted) we send to the relevant officials, most recently in Georgia, North Carolina, Florida, and Virginia:
We are writing with regard to a recent news story, which was brought to our attention this week and which discusses the City’s minority contracting efforts.
We urge the City to be race-neutral in this program. We also urge the City to continue to resist calls that it “initiate a disparity study.” Not only will such a study be very expensive, but the only reason to undertake it would be to try to justify legally something that the City should not want to do, and indeed it would probably not offer a sufficient legal justification anyway. What’s more, disparity studies are frequently revealed to be defective, and even fraudulent. When this happens, the city’s (and taxpayers’) money has been wasted, and of course then the study is of no legal or policy use either.
To elaborate: The City can undertake race-neutral measures to ensure that the bidding process is fair and open without a disparity study. It can, that is, make sure contracting programs are open to all, that bidding opportunities are widely publicized beforehand, and that no one gets discriminated against because of skin color, national origin, or sex. A disparity study is needed, supposedly, if the City wants to have a legal justification for non-neutral measures.
But the City should not want to engage in such preferential treatment on the basis of race, ethnicity, and sex, even if it had a legal justification for it, since such discrimination is unfair and divisive; it breeds corruption; and it costs the taxpayers and businesses money to award a contract to someone other than the lowest bidder. What’s more, it is very doubtful that, in 2017, a disparity study would justify preferential policies, since there will always be nonpreferential ways to remedy any disparities that are found.
The attached document [a redacted version of a memorandum we sent to another city in nearby state that was considering this issue] contains additional discussion of, especially, the relevant legal points. See also this model brief our organization has prepared and posted for those wishing to challenge preferential contracting programs.
Thank you very much for your attention to our concerns.
We’re happy to say that we’ve met with significant success in firing such warning shots.
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“Trumplash”? — Suppose someone had told you that the United States would have a president who, in the same week, would nominate the stellar conservative Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court and say that there's moral equivalence between our country and state killers like Vladimir Putin. I fear we’re going to have to get used to this discombobulation. Call it “Trumplash” (Trump + whiplash).
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Speaking Truth to Power — The Left loves the phrase “speaking truth to power” and claims it every time some disgruntled professor writes a letter to the editor criticizing, well, anyone. So of course the acting attorney general, Sally Yates, was celebrated when she refused to defend a presidential executive order she didn’t like and as a result was then fired by President Trump.
Of course, her refusal was completely costless — indeed, it was a great career move. She had only a day or two left at her job anyway, and her early exit ensured that she would be forever loved by everyone who would ever be in a position to help her in the future.
A really brave person would be willing to criticize the president when he could actually withhold something from you that you wanted. For most lawyers, and nearly all judges, that something would be an appointment to the Supreme Court. Does anyone think it beyond the pale that President Trump might change his mind about a Supreme Court nominee who did something to displease him?
Disgruntled professors and Sally Yates cannot hold a candle to Neil Gorsuch.
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The Amazing Justice Sotomayor — Speaking of Supreme Court justices, Sonia Sotomayor recently spoke at the University of Michigan, and was asked by a moderator “what a university will need to look like in the years ahead to be inclusive and innovative.” "It's going to look a lot like Michigan," she said to applause, "but with even greater diversity."
That’s amazing. The Center for Equal Opportunity fights for the principle of racial and ethnic nondiscrimination in university admissions: Admit the best qualified, without regard to skin color or what country someone’s ancestors came from. And we frequently hear the bogus and opposing claim that public universities should “look like the state” — that is, that there should be some sort of quota to ensure that the percentage of each racial and ethnic group in the school approximate the percentage of that group in the state’s general population. There’s no plausible legal, moral, or policy justification for such a quota, but we’ve gotten used to hearing it. Yet here is Justice Sotomayor doubling down: Apparently she thinks that some groups, presumably racial and ethnic minorities, should be overrepresented at public universities. As I said: amazing.
But wait, there’s more: "When you look at the number of African-Americans at the University of Michigan — um, there's a real problem," she said. "And why is diversity important? ... For me, the answer is quite simple: It's because until we reach that equality in education, we can't reach equality in the larger society. It starts here and it ends here."
What is she talking about? She seems to be saying that, only by having quotas in higher education, can we magically end racial disparities everywhere in society. Sorry, Justice Sotomayor, but it doesn’t work that way. In fact, you have it backwards: The reason that some groups don’t do as well, statistically, in competitive admissions is because some groups are held back, disproportionately, by cultural failures that begin long before college age. I’m talking, in particular, about out-of-wedlock birthrates and the belief that academic excellence is “acting white.”
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Recommended Reading — Finally, let me put in a plug for a new book by Stuart Taylor, Jr. (a frequent CEO ally in our opposition to racial preferences in university admissions) and Professor KC Johnson, The Campus Rape Frenzy: The Attack on Due Process at America’s Universities. The book was recently discussed by the authors on this Federalist Society podcast (I make an appearance at the 48:10–50:35 mark).
- Published Date
- Written by Roger Clegg
I had occasion recently to post on National Review Online this short summary of why the accusation of “white privilege” is poisonous:
It is, for starters, a divisive phrase, much more likely to hurt race relations than help them, as it lumps together all white people — many of whom cannot be considered “privileged” by any reasonable standard — and points an accusatory finger at them, asserting, “You don’t deserve what you have.” It is, at bottom, just another way of complaining about stereotyping, even though all racial groups — indeed, all groups, period — face stereotyping, some negative and some positive, and there’s nothing new or remarkable about it. It overstates the extent to which stereotyping occurs and the consequences it has. And, finally, playing this particular race card suggests that racial disparities — and, indeed, racial stereotyping — are due solely to racism simpliciter, and have nothing to do with culture and, in particular, cultural dysfunctions. It is, in other words, the “conversation on race” that we have come to expect from the left: All whites must accept blame for all disparities of any kind, and any suggestion that some non-whites have failed to act responsibly is blaming the victim.
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Another Bad “Disparate Impact” Lawsuit – The Ninth Circuit last month heard oral argument in a case challenging the NCAA’s policy of barring all convicted felons from coaching in NCAA-certified tournaments held for recruiting student-athletes to NCAA Division I schools. The policy is said to have a “disparate impact” on African Americans, and this is supposed to violate Title II of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which bans “discrimination or segregation on the ground of race, color, religion, or national origin” in “places of public accommodation.”
Sigh. Putting aside why the NCAA having this rule is “public accommodations” discrimination covered by Title II in the first place, it would be absurd to construe this statute to allow “disparate impact” causes of action. Consider a hotel resort, which clearly would be covered: Are its rates, location (are a city’s hotel-zoning decisions to be challengeable, too, by the way, if they have a “disparate impact”?), menus, music, dancing, décor, and on and on to be challengeable because in some way one or the other is less accommodating, statistically speaking, to this group or that group on the basis of race, color, ethnicity, and religion? The disparate-impact approach is exceptionally unwieldy even in the areas where it has already been applied, as I discuss here (noting, among other things, that the Supreme Court’s most recent pronouncement in this area, while disappointing, was at least unanimous in recognizing the dangers with the disparate-impact approach), and there is no reason to make matters worse.
It’s telling that even the Obama administration, which was always very aggressive in using the disparate-impact approach, decided to sit this case out. No federal regulation interpreting Title II as including disparate-impact discrimination is cited by plaintiffs. Fun fact: The district judge in this case, who ruled correctly that Title II does not allow disparate-impact lawsuits, was Gonzalo Curiel — the Obama appointee you may remember as the Latino jurist that President Trump complained about being biased against him.
Finally, bear in mind that the disparate-impact approach requires race-based decision-making rather than prohibiting it. That is, it means that a decision-maker must be conscious of getting its racial, ethnic, and religion numbers right in order to avoid liability, rather than simply making decisions without regard to these things, which of course is what the civil-rights laws are supposed to be all about. Thus, the approach raises constitutional problems, as the late Justice Scalia noted. Accordingly, the Center for Equal Opportunity joined and helped write an amicus brief filed with the Ninth Circuit, urging the court to adopt the principle of limiting the interpretation of civil-rights statutes to banning actual discrimination (disparate treatment) unless there is clear language in the statute to the contrary (which is conspicuously lacking here: A policy that is, as conceded in this case, neutral by its terms, in its intent, and in its application is not “discrimination or segregation [i.e., no “separate but equal” defense] on the ground of race” etc.).
Here’s hoping the Ninth Circuit agrees and puts paid to the notion that Title II can be used in this absurd way.
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No More “Alternative Facts” – I’m delighted with the news media’s discovery and embrace of objective truth and its rejection of the notion that all narratives are equal. I look forward to them giving short shrift in the future to any continued claims that, for example, Michael Brown and Trayvon Martin were murdered because of their skin color.
Relatedly: I’m under no illusions about the new administration’s frequent willingness to shoot first and aim later, if at all, but I was nonetheless irritated by much of the news media’s coverage over the weekend that suggested the reason seven countries (Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen) are being singled out for immigration restrictions is because they are “majority Muslim.” If it was the aim of the administration to target such countries, it’s doing a poor job, since — according to this university link, for example — there are many, many more majority-Muslim countries not on the list. In fact, I counted 51 majority-Muslim countries in all, meaning that the administration managed to miss 44 of them. So it seems more plausible that, whatever you think of it otherwise, the administration’s policy really is at least aimed at countries with significant terrorist enclaves and deficient screening mechanisms, not lots of Muslims. Whether it is well-crafted, tactically wise, and properly rolled out is, of course, another question.
- Published Date
- Written by Linda Chavez
At no point in my life have I ever felt as alienated from politics as I do now. Three weeks into the Trump administration, I find much to agree with -- proposed tax cuts, deregulation, good Cabinet choices -- but even more that makes me uncomfortable, indeed fearful. Despite the apocalyptic rhetoric of the election, the United States is in relatively good shape. We have an economy that is growing, albeit sluggishly; a crime rate that is historically low, though it has ticked up over the past year or so; the strongest military in the world and perhaps the most experienced, if overtasked, service members in our history; and the most educated population we've ever had.
With one party in control of the executive and legislative branches of government, the nation is poised to make progress on several vexing problems, including reforming health care and improving our immigration system. But much of my optimism that it is possible to get important things done is tempered by a White House that seems more interested in settling scores than in moving forward to improve the lives of all who live here.
In a span of a few days, President Donald Trump nominated a Supreme Court justice of stellar caliber, U.S. Circuit Judge Neil Gorsuch, and then undid the goodwill generated by his action by launching a broadside against the American judicial system. When a judge in Seattle issued a temporary restraining order against the president's temporary ban on people entering the U.S. from seven majority-Muslim countries, Trump referred to the judge as a "so-called judge" and then set the stage to blame the judge for future terror attacks. "If something happens blame him and court system. People pouring in. Bad!" Trump tweeted.
Trump's tirades didn't stop there but continued next against the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which heard a government request to stay the lower court order. Demeaning both his own Justice Department lawyers and the plaintiffs' attorneys, he described the arguments before the appellate court as "disgraceful." He told a group of sheriffs and police chiefs: "I think it's sad. I think it's a sad day. I think our security is at risk today." The appellate court issued a ruling Thursday, upholding the lower court's restraining order, a defeat for the government and Trump.
It is impossible to brush aside Trump's impulsive behavior. It undermines the very agenda that he hopes to accomplish. The fight to confirm Gorsuch was never going to be easy. Democrats are still smarting from the refusal of the GOP-controlled Senate to give Merrick Garland, President Barack Obama's Supreme Court nominee, a hearing to fill the seat of deceased Justice Antonin Scalia. The Senate is closely divided in partisan terms, with 52 Republicans, 46 Democrats and two independents who caucus with the Democrats. That means that to avoid a filibuster, either some Democrats must support Gorsuch or Republicans must suspend Senate rules to allow a simple majority vote for confirmation. Trump has urged the Republicans to do the latter -- to exercise the "nuclear option," as it is often referred to -- but that would do lasting damage to the process going forward, further polarizing an already deeply divided body.
One wonders why there is no one in President Trump's circle who can stand up to him and say, "Your behavior is threatening your legacy and the stability of our system." I will give the president the benefit of the doubt that he wants to make things better for Americans. But he can't do so with threats and bullying. Insulting those who disagree with him won't persuade them. Ignoring administrative procedures and the traditional vetting process won't improve the quality of his directives. Watching cable TV for hours, as he has admitted to doing, won't inform him about complicated issues, nor will excluding from national security meetings some of the very people on whom he should be relying for advice. Surrounding himself with yes men and yes women who tell him what he wants to hear will eventually undo him. He needs open, honest debate from people who actually understand policy and government to present him with the best options. Getting things done quickly isn't so important as getting them done well and properly.
I want the Trump administration to succeed. But I fear that the president is laying the groundwork for his own destruction. It's not too late to get on track, but if things don't change soon, it will be. And only Donald Trump can save himself -- by putting aside petty grievances.
- Published Date
- Written by Linda Chavez
Presidential appointees take an oath "to preserve, protect and defend" not the president who appointed them but rather the Constitution of the United States. It would do well for President Donald Trump's appointees, including those who serve in the highest levels of the White House, to remember that. Their primary duty is not to an individual, no matter how much personal loyalty they may feel they owe him, but to the sovereign laws of the nation. In his first week in office, President Trump has already tested the duty of his highest-level appointees, and some have come up short.
Within the first few days of his administration, the president called on top White House staffers to spread disinformation -- and they complied. From press secretary Sean Spicer's debut briefing the day after the swearing-in, where he asserted that "this was the largest audience to ever witness an inauguration -- period -- both in person and around the globe" to counselor Kellyanne Conway's defense of this untruth as based on "alternative facts," these individuals let down both the American people and, ironically, the president. The issue was a trivial one. Who cares how many people witnessed the president's swearing-in, after all? But misstating verifiable facts and then doubling down when the falsehoods are exposed is dangerous and erodes the trust of the people these officials are meant to serve -- namely, the American people.
What followed this bizarre episode is much more troubling, however. It is one thing to lie about crowd size but quite another to lie about election fraud. Once again, President Trump sent his spokesman out to repeat an untruth, that 3 million to 5 million people illegally voted in the 2016 election. When pushed, Spicer said that maybe the administration would investigate -- and within hours, the president tweeted, "I will be asking for a major investigation into VOTER FRAUD, including those registered to vote in two states, those who are illegal and even, those registered to vote who are dead (and many for a long time)." So, we will now commit who knows how much money to investigating alleged fraudulent voting without a scintilla of evidence to warrant it. What next? Maybe President Trump will reinvestigate whether Barack Obama was born in the United States or launch an inquiry into the "thousands" of Muslims who "celebrated" in Jersey City as the twin towers came down on 9/11.
If Spicer and Conway can't stand up to President Trump's request to repeat untruths, how can we expect others in his administration to respond when he orders them to do something not just dishonest but illegal? We may soon see, as a draft executive order leaked this week shows that the new administration is contemplating reviving so-called black sites overseas, where the CIA might use interrogation techniques not approved in the Army Field Manuals as required under current U.S. law. Though the techniques the president wants to resume were not named specifically in the draft document, he left no doubt in an interview this week with ABC News that he believes "torture works" and that he wants "to fight fire with fire." CIA Director Mike Pompeo and Secretary of Defense James Mattis have both testified they will not reinstate waterboarding, which U.S. law defines as torture, but neither man would be likely to be sitting on the administering end of the water hose. Would lower-level officials refuse to torture if an order came from the White House and not the head of their agency? It takes courage to stand up to power. We've seen little of it so far in this administration.
And what about Congress? The Constitution establishes a separation of powers, the particular genius of our American system. By not vesting power with any one branch of government, the Founding Fathers created a self-regulating bulwark against tyranny.
However, although it is a little too early in Trump's administration to know the direction the president intends to go, so far he has wielded his executive pen to order the types of changes that should come from Congress. Instead of saying he'd work with Congress to establish a better border security system, he issued an executive order to build a border wall he still claims Mexico will pay for, which prompted the president of Mexico to cancel a planned U.S. visit, precipitating Trump's first international incident. Trump also issued an executive order that not only changed priorities for deportation of unauthorized immigrants, something within his authority, but also redefined as "criminals" even some immigrants who have never been charged with a crime, which was not.
The new administration has started down a slippery slope. It's not too late to stop the erosion of trust, but it will take individuals willing to say "no" when the president's demands conflict with their duty to the Constitution, which they've sworn to uphold.
- Published Date
- Written by Roger Clegg
At last week’s prayer breakfast, President Trump made fun of Arnold Schwarzenegger’s poor ratings as his replacement on Celebrity Apprentice, but he also said this: “So in the coming days, we will develop a system to help ensure that those admitted into our country fully embrace our values of religious and personal liberty, and that they reject any form of oppression and discrimination. We want people to come into our nation, but we want people to love us and to love our values — not to hate us and to hate our values.” The President’s remarks about Mr. Schwarzenegger were gratuitous, but he’s right about the importance of all Americans, immigrant and native-born alike, needing to share certain basic values if our country is to work well.
I have no doubt that, between tweets, the President reads my weekly email from the Center for Equal Opportunity, so I thought I would share with him (and you) a column I wrote on this topic in 2000. I still stand by it, and hope that the President and his administration find it useful as they work on ensuring better assimilation. (Later on, I fleshed out this article in Congressional testimony I gave here.)Here’s the column:
E Pluribus Unum
America has always been a multiracial and multiethnic country. But saying that it is, or should be, multicultural is very different. The ideal was, and still should be, that you can come to America from any country and become an American — but that means accepting some degree of assimilation. It is not diversity that we celebrate most, but what we hold in common.
The same is also true for native-born Americans. All of us can claim equally to be Americans, but all must acknowledge a shared set of beliefs and mores.
America has always been diverse. But telling an elementary school that it cannot insist on teaching children standard English, or English at all; or telling a college that it cannot focus on Western Civilization; or insisting that an employer accommodate work habits it finds to be unproductive; or condemning social strictures as judgmental — well, all this may celebrate diversity, but it denigrates the common standards that a free society must have if it is to flourish.
Still, it will not do simply to condemn diversity, any more than it will to embrace it indiscriminately. There is much diversity that is valuable or at worst harmless. Workers and students from all backgrounds have contributed enormously to our national life, and who cares what food they like? Some diversity is good, and some bad.
Accordingly, it makes sense to set out some rules essential for a multiracial, multiethnic America and that all Americans should follow — wherever they or their ancestors came from, whatever their skin color, whatever their favorite food or dance. Here are my ten, aimed as much at the native-born as the newly arrived.
1. Don’t disparage anyone else’s race or ethnicity. It may seem odd to begin the list with this one, but actually it’s not. On the list of things we don’t tolerate, intolerance deserves a prominent position. If we are to be one nation, we cannot criticize one another’s skin color and ancestors.
2. Respect women. Just as we do not tolerate a lack of respect based on race or ancestry, we also demand respect regardless of sex. Some subcultures — foreign and domestic — put down women. That is not acceptable. This doesn’t mean that men and women have no differences or that we all must be ardent feminists. But it does mean that women must be treated respectfully, and that where the law requires that they be treated equally — as it frequently does in this country — it be followed.
3. Learn to speak English. This doesn’t mean that you can’t learn other languages, too, or keep up a native language. But you and your children must learn English — standard English — as quickly as you can. And, if you expect to be accepted, you should avoid speaking another language when you are with people who don’t understand it.
4. Don’t be rude. Some people apparently view it as unmanly or uncool to be polite. But that is just adolescent sullenness. Customers, coworkers, fellow students, strangers — all expect to be treated courteously, and rightly so. Not every culture is a stickler for taking turns, queuing up, and following the rules (see next item), but Americans follow the British here.
5. Don’t break the law. If you want to participate in this republic — if you want a say in making the rules and electing those who make them — you have to follow the laws yourself. That means, among other things, that you can’t use illegal drugs, which is just as well since there is no surer way to stay at the bottom of the heap or to find yourself there in a hurry.
6. Don’t have children out of wedlock. Moral issues aside, illegitimacy is a social disaster for women and children alike (especially boys). Here again, it is a sure way to stay poor and raise poor children. Perhaps in some countries it takes a village to raise a child, but in the United States it takes two parents. That said, the pathology of illegitimacy is more widespread among some native-born groups than among some immigrants.
7. Don’t demand anything because of your race, ethnicity, or sex. You have the right not to be discriminated against because of these factors, and it follows that you also cannot demand discrimination in your favor. The sooner you can stop thinking of yourself first as a member of a particular demographic subset, and instead as a human being and an American, the better. This is true for both individuals and groups. The demagogues of identity politics promise nothing worthwhile.
8. Working hard-in school and on the job — and saving money — are not “acting white.” And, for whites, it is not being a nerd or a dweeb. America owes her success to a strong work ethic and to parents instilling that ethic in their children.
9. Don’t hold historical grudges. There is not a single group in the United States that has not been discriminated against at one time or another. But we are all in the same boat now, and we have to live and work together. Your neighbor’s great-great grandfather may have tried to kill or enslave yours, but we are a forward-looking country and so we cannot afford to dwell on the past.
10. Be proud of being an American. You can hardly expect to be liked and accepted by other Americans if you don’t love America. This is not a perfect country, and it does not have a perfect history. And there are lots of other countries that have good qualities. But there is no country better than the United States. If you disagree, then why are you here?
- Published Date
- Written by Roger Clegg
A couple of years ago, a bad Senate resolution was introduced, encouraging the entire private sector to adopt a ramped-up version of the National Football League’s “Rooney Rule”: That rule originally required that at least one racial minority be introduced for any head coaching vacancy, and the Senate resolution now wants interviewed at least two “qualified minority candidates for each managerial opening at the director level and above” and least two minority-owned businesses for vendor contracts.
Well, that bad Senate resolution is back. What remains especially lamentable is that it’s being proposed not by Bernie Sanders but by Tim Scott, who should know better, and it’s being cosponsored by Marco Rubio and Rand Paul, among others. Here’s our critique from last time around, which still stands. It’s bad policy and unconstitutional.
Relatedly, a recent article in the Washington Post says that the Democrats in Congress are contemplating adoption of their own “Rooney Rule” when it comes to hiring staff. But as I have discussed before, the Rooney Rule is bad as a matter of both law and policy:
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Why Is Smokey Never a Polar Bear? – Shortly before leaving office, President Obama issued a “Presidential Memorandum — Promoting Diversity and Inclusion in Our National Parks, National Forests, and Other Public Lands and Waters.” It orders the National Park Service and such agencies to do better when it comes to having “diverse” employees and visitors by, for example, rooting out “unconscious bias”; see recent posts on the dubiousness of such enterprises here and here. There’s no suggestion that any lack of diversity among employees or visitors is due to actual discrimination; rather, the memorandum is simply another reflection of the Left’s obsession that there be no enterprise anywhere that has a politically incorrect demographic balance.
But why stop with national park employees and visitors? There needs to be more “biodiversity” in the parks’ flora and fauna, too. If evergreens insist on being monochromatic, they should be uprooted and replaced. It’s obvious to even a tourist that bears of color are greatly overrepresented at parks in the lower 48, and we need more female deer with antlers and more male deer without. Even more fundamentally, “Yellowstone” is a microaggression against Asian Americans, and no self-respecting feminist will ever visit Grand Teton National Park.
Here’s hoping the Trump administration will put an end to this sort of nonsense.
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A Trip Down Memory Lane – A recent New York Times op-ed by Donald Moynihan claims that attacks on free speech have occurred mostly "elite private institutions like Oberlin and Yale," not in "large public institutions [like those] in Michigan, Texas, and Wisconsin" where he has taught.
Center for Equal Opportunity supporters, however, may recall that in 2011 we had an experience at the University of Wisconsin that calls this claim into question. But, in all fairness, I’m not sure I would give the school a failing grade based on my own experience there (I won’t defend the school in other respects).
Here are the details: It’s true that a university official orchestrated a student protest against our press conference releasing a study that year documenting the school’s use of racial preferences in admission, and that the protest was an ugly one. Our press conference was held off-campus at a hotel, but the protestors broke into building, injured at least one hotel employee, eventually swarmed — chanting — into the press conference itself (it was essentially over by the time they got in), and then attempted to pursue me into the elevator I was taking to my room (my friend professor emeritus Lee Hansen and hotel employees kept them out).
That’s the bad part, and I figured that, after all this, the school would seize upon some pretext to cancel a Federalist Society debate on affirmative action that I was scheduled to participate in that evening. But here’s where the school redeemed itself: It insisted that, no, there would be no heckler’s veto, moved the event to a larger forum (the student union building, where the security would be better), beefed up campus security (escorting me to and from the event), and the show went on (there was some unruliness in the audience, but it was manageable, and I was not prevented from saying anything I wanted to say).
The university officials quoted to me the school’s “sifting and winnowing” metaphor regarding its traditional commitment to free speech; you can read all about that metaphor here. The net result for the Center for Equal Opportunity was an event that was actually bigger (nearly a thousand students, as I recall) than it would have been otherwise, and of course we got some good publicity for it (e.g., on the O’Reilly Factor).
Anyway, I wanted to give credit where it’s due, regarding this particular event.
* * *“Social Justice” and Free Speech – And while we’re in the groves of academe: Friedrich Hayek famously noted how the word “social” as an adjective effectively means “not” — so that social science is not really science, and social climbing is not really climbing, and of course social justice is not really justice at all. That came to mind as I read George Leef’s column here about a case now being presented to the Rhode Island state supreme court, in which a student at a state school is being denied the opportunity to pursue his degree in social work, because of an unwillingness to advocate for the right kind of social change, all in the name of social justice. Well, social justice or not, there are some First Amendment problems here, and the Cato Institute, National Association of Scholars, and Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) have filed an amicus brief urging the court to take the case.
- Published Date
- Written by Linda Chavez
For eight years, conservatives -- rightly, in my view -- railed against the imperial presidency of Barack Obama. When he couldn't get what he wanted through the ordered and deliberative legislative process, he used other means, issuing regulations and executive orders that accomplished his goals without having to convince the people's elected representatives of their wisdom. Even Obama's signature legislative accomplishment, the Affordable Care Act, became law without a single Republican vote.
The deep polarization that resulted from President Obama's ham-fisted approach helped lay the groundwork for the election of Donald Trump. But in his first two weeks in office, President Trump has shown no signs of throwing off the imperial mantle of his predecessor. Instead, he's ignoring even members of his own Cabinet, not to mention Congress, to draft orders and directives that will dramatically alter not just policy but, in the case of proposed immigration changes, the very composition of the American population. In doing so, he jeopardizes one of the most important features of American democracy, stability.
The transfer of power between administrations of differing political parties always signals change, but the scope and tempo of change have traditionally been moderated by procedural safeguards. Presidents appoint Cabinet and sub-Cabinet officials but must secure the advice and consent of the Senate in doing so. The leadership of departments and agencies changes at the top, but the work is carried out by career staff members who remain from one administration to another. An administration may want to abandon existing programs and start new ones, but it must go to Congress for the authority and appropriations to do so.
When voters elect a new president, they may well be voting for change, but that change doesn't happen overnight, nor should it. No matter how frustrating it might seem to have to wait and go through the slow process of working through Congress -- and sometimes having to make compromises -- that process protects us. We don't lurch from one extreme to another. Rather, we work through our differences. The Obama administration ignored this example to its detriment and ushered in an era of confrontation that saw the Congress change political hands in large part to exercise a check on executive power.
In his first two weeks in office, President Trump has seemed intent on ignoring the lessons of the Obama overreach, choosing instead to follow Obama's example. Trump is rewriting foreign policy, insulting allies in the process. As The Wall Street Journal noted in an editorial this week, Trump is treating Mexico as Obama treated Israel. A putative transcript of Trump's telephone conversation with Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto this week quotes Trump talking about "bad hombres" and threatening to send in the U.S. military to deal with them because Mexico's military is weak. The Mexican president's office, unsurprisingly, has denied that Trump made the threat, which would precipitate a crisis in Mexico if proved true, but the White House has remained uncharacteristically mum. No one, however, is denying that Trump insulted Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull in his abbreviated -- one might call it Trumpcated -- call with the leader of one of the United States' most stalwart allies. Before that, there was Trump's decision to issue an executive order -- one that temporarily bars immigrants from seven majority-Muslim nations and indefinitely bans the entry of Syrian refugees -- on the very day he met with British Prime Minister Theresa May without giving her the diplomatic courtesy of a heads-up.
Those decisions will make everything that follows more difficult. There is no question that immigration policy requires an overhaul, but the way to do it is not by issuing ill-conceived and highly divisive orders from the Oval Office. Leaks of more orders to come suggest that President Trump will begin to shut the door for high-skilled immigrants, roll back legal immigration and deport millions of unauthorized and even legal immigrants whom this administration finds undesirable. Such drastic measures require debate and deliberation -- and none of it is occurring in the echo chambers of Trump's White House.
If the president keeps on this track, he should not be surprised that he will meet fierce resistance. Right now, that resistance is manifesting itself in the streets and among Democrats in Congress. But if Trump continues to try to bully his way to policy changes, eventually members of his own party will begin to apply the brakes. And if they don't, the American people will do so in the next election.
- Published Date
- Written by Roger Clegg
Let me begin my take on Barack Obama’s farewell address last week and the state of race relations as he leaves office by quoting what I wrote in 2004, after he delivered the Democratic National Convention keynote that vaulted him into the public eye:
Barack Obama gave a fine speech, but it was not a speech that reflects the current Democratic Party. It celebrated America as “a magical place”; it did not bemoan our racism and imperialism. It professed that this black man “owe[d] a debt to those who came before” him; it did not call for reparations. It spoke of an “awesome God”; it did not banish Him from public discourse. It admitted that black parents, and black culture, need to change the way black children are raised; it did not blame or even mention racism. It quoted “E pluribus unum” and translated it correctly as “Out of many, one”; it did not misquote it, as Al Gore infamously did, as “Many out of one.” Most of all, the speech celebrated one America, “one people,” and rejected the notion of a black America, a white America, a Latino America, and an Asian America — a notion completely foreign to the multiculturalism that now dominates the Democratic Party.
Alas, the Democratic party of 2017 is just as bad as it was in 2004, and Barack Obama has gotten worse in the intervening years.
A sizeable chunk of Obama’s farewell address was devoted to “race relations.” Let me give credit where it is due: He acknowledged that race relations have gotten better in recent decades “no matter what some folks say,” which separates him from many on the hard left who insist that there’s as much racism now as there was under Jim Crow and it’s just better disguised. (See, for example, the title of one holy text in this area, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness.) The president is also to be praised for a (rather oblique, admittedly) swipe at the notion of “white privilege,” when he warned nonwhites to have some sympathy for “the middle-aged white guy who, from the outside, may seem like he’s got advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic and cultural and technological change. We have to pay attention, and listen.”
In other respects, however, the speech was disappointing, especially compared with what Obama said in 2004. Racism past and present is now put at center stage, and indeed it is emphasized that the “effects of slavery and Jim Crow” are still with us. The president warned that “we need to uphold laws against discrimination,” as if anyone is calling for their repeal; he suggested that those calling for stricter immigration enforcement do so because immigrants “don’t look like us.”
Obama suggested, too, that there is something wrong with those who criticize racial preferences (a.k.a. affirmative action), dismissing the notions of “an undeserving minority” and “reverse racism” and “political correctness.” The fact of the matter is that, too often, he is wrong when he says protesters (and I’m thinking in particular of campus protesters) are “not demanding special treatment but equal treatment.”
The president rightly called for greater unity and “common purpose.” Even if this time he did not use the phrase E pluribus unum, he did endorse “a basic sense of solidarity -– the idea that for all our outward differences, we’re all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.” He quoted the Declaration of Independence, honored the military, and expressed his desire for a nation where every citizen “loves this country.” These were all laudable sentiments.
But the policies of Obama’s party, and his administration, are inconsistent with achieving E pluribus unum. His administration has, in any number of ways, insisted on the government’s classifying people according to skin color and national origin, and indeed he has proposed on his way out the door that the Census ramp up the use of these classifications. In other respects, too, his policies and language divide us, rather than uniting us through patriotic assimilation. How can he call for “common purpose” and “solidarity” and, at the same time, insist that it is perfectly okay for Americans to be treated differently based on their race and the country their ancestors came from?
The biggest fault of the speech, though, was in something that the president did not say, or even advert to. I noted above that the 2004 speech “admitted that black parents, and black culture, need to change the way black children are raised.” And from time to time the president has been willing to confront, in particular, the problem of out-of-wedlock births among African Americans. Indeed, it was such talk that prompted Jesse Jackson (who has fathered at least one child out of wedlock) to threaten to “cut [Obama’s] nuts off” in 2008. But there was no mention of the implosion of the black family in the farewell address, even though out-of-wedlock births — and not just among African Americans — are the country’s number-one social problem.
In a word: Nothing can purport to be a serious discussion of race relations in this country unless it discusses out-of-wedlock birthrates, because it is the disparity in out-of-wedlock birthrates that now most drives other racial disparities.
Consider the federal government’s latest numbers on out-of-wedlock birthrates, by race and ethnicity. The data are from last summer, and they contain nothing new or surprising. But it is disturbing and depressing nonetheless. In 2015, 40.2 percent of all births were out of wedlock, and there are very big disparities among the different racial and ethnic groups. Highest are non-Hispanic blacks at 70.4 percent, followed by American Indians/Alaska Natives at 65.8 percent, and Hispanics at 52.9 percent. Somewhat better are non-Hispanic whites at 29.2 percent, with the lowest figures by Asians/Pacific Islanders at 16.4 percent.
That’s a big range — from more than seven out of ten to fewer than two out of ten — and there is an obvious fit between how well a group is doing by any social indicator you like (education, crime, employment, poverty, etc.) and the percentage of children it produces out of wedlock. This turns out to be true not only across different racial and ethnic groups but also within them.
Racism is a bad thing, and it still exists. But the president is right that only the delusional think it is anything like the problem it was 50 years ago. The principal impediment for those who would like to narrow our ongoing racial disparities is not racism; it’s the “70.4 percent” figure above. Obama had a duty to talk about that again, too, and he failed to do so.
The Left has never been happy with anyone, especially a black president, saying this, and it has always insisted on race-specific, rather than race-neutral, social programs. As his presidency ends, alas, Obama has acceded more and more on both points.
I don’t think that Martin Luther King would be happy with this. He did, after all, dream of a country where individuals are judged by the content of their character, not the color of their skin. As for the disintegration of the black family, it was well under way in the 1960s, as Daniel Patrick Moynihan warned. Dr. King had his extramarital affairs, but he was a pastor, and it is hard to imagine that he would be happy about the rate of out-of-wedlock births among African Americans, which is more than double today what it was back then.
There was speculation after Obama’s farewell speech that he might return to his community organizing. I mean no disrespect when I say that I hope he will. He said near the end of his speech that he was proudest of the fact that he is his daughters’ father. In that, and in his marriage to Michelle, he is an invaluable role model where one is most sorely needed.