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Voters in eight states will
decide on Nov. 7 whether to amend their constitutions to ensure that
marriage continues to be an institution limited to one man and one
woman.
It's too
bad it has come to this, especially since the amendments won't do much
to restore marriage to its once lofty place in our society. But it's
not the Christian Right or the Republican Party that has brought us to
this pass.
We
shouldn't have to clutter our state constitutions, much less the U.S.
Constitution, with language defining marriage, but a few activist
judges have left voters little choice unless they are willing to
embrace judicially imposed gay marriage or its equivalent.
For
millennia, all civilizations have understood marriage to exist
exclusively between men and women (though many civilizations have
chosen to allow husbands to marry more than one wife concurrently).
Homosexual relationships surely have existed throughout history, but
homosexuals have not sought marriage rights nor has any society
formally sanctioned such relationships through its laws, that is until
the late 20th century, and then in just a very few societies.
Now, some
judges in the United States have cast aside tradition and law in favor
of an experiment in reordering society, without the democratic consent
of the citizens of the affected communities. Should it surprise anyone
that a backlash has ensued?
Last week,
the New Jersey Supreme Court decided that the state constitution
"guarantees that every statutory right and benefit conferred to
heterosexual couples through civil marriage must be made available to
committed same-sex couples." While the New Jersey justices didn't go as
far as their Massachusetts counterparts in actually ordering the state
legislature to pass legislation giving the right to gay couples to
marry, the difference may be more semantic than real.
Since New
Jersey already allows for domestic partnerships through a 2004 law
passed by the state legislature, the court was clearly insisting that
the domestic partnerships law doesn't go far enough because it
distinguishes such relationships from actual marriages. New Jersey
legislators appear likely to enact a civil union statute in response to
the court's action, but there is no guarantee that some future court
decision won't invalidate civil unions as unconstitutional, too, that
is unless New Jersey amends its constitution to limit marriage to the
union of one man and one woman.
Some of
what gay couples say they hope to gain through legislation or court
orders conferring them with marriage rights could easily be achieved by
other means. Gay couples, just as any two individuals, can jointly own
property together, and the rights to such property upon death or
dissolution of the partnership can be spelled out in the contract
itself.
States
could — and should — pass laws that allow adults to choose who will
make medical decisions for them in the absence of a spouse. Why should
only homosexuals and not other single persons be allowed to designate
someone other than a family member to make medical decisions if they
become incapacitated?
Many
employers and some states already allow gay couples to share medical
and pension benefits. So long as the individual is paying the premiums,
why shouldn't he be able to designate who participates? And if the
pension is deferred compensation that the employee has already earned,
why shouldn't she be able to leave what is in the account to the
beneficiary of her choice? And why should such benefits be available
exclusively to individuals who have a sexual relationship with each
other?
The most
nettlesome issue for gay couples involves parental rights when one
partner is the biological or adoptive parent and the other has not
adopted (or in some cases not been allowed to adopt) the child. If
something happens to the non-adoptive or non-biological parent, the
other person who has cared for and raised the child, often for the
child's entire life, does not have the right to obtain custody or, in
some cases, even maintain a relationship with the child. This doesn't
seem fair to the parent or to the child. But this issue also can be
specifically addressed without redefining marriage.
As with
abortion 30 years ago, states were on their way to defining public
policy on the rights of homosexual couples when the courts intervened.
The initiatives on this year's ballot will simply ensure that this
tough social and moral issue is resolved through the normal democratic
process and not by a few judges.
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