CENTER FOR EQUAL OPPORTUNITY

Affirmative Action in Colorado Higher Education

Affirmative Action in Undergraduate Admissions at the Public Colleges and Universities of Colorado

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By Robert Lerner, Ph.D. and
Althea K. Nagai, Ph.D.

Executive Summary

• All public colleges and universities in Colorado use Affirmative Action in undergraduate admissions to increase black enrollment. There was no school at which the black median SAT score, ACT score, or GPA was higher than the white median in 1995. At the University of Colorado at Boulder, for example, the average white student scored 205 points higher on the SAT (out of a possible 1600), and 4 points higher on the ACT (out of a possible 36), and nearly half a point higher on grades (on a 4-point scale) than the average black student.
  
• Most of the public colleges and universities in Colorado use Affirmative Action to increase Hispanic enrollment. There were only a few schools at which white students did not have a higher median SAT score, ACT score, or GPA than Hispanic students in 1995. At the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, for example, the average white student scored 160 points higher on the SAT and 3 points higher on the ACT than the average Hispanic student.
  
• Asian Americans appear to receive very few or no preferences at all. At most schools, Asian students had a median SAT score, ACT score, or GPA close to that of white students in 1995.
  
• Schools using racial preferences routinely reject white and Asian students who have higher test scores and grades than black and Hispanic who are admitted. In 1995, about 50 percent of rejected white applicants had higher ACT scores than the black admittee median at five schools: Fort Lewis College, Metropolitan State College, Mesa State College, the University of Colorado at Boulder, and the University of Colorado at Denver.
  
• The greatest preferences tend to be granted at Colorado's most competitive schools, such as the Colorado School of Mines and the University of Colorado at Boulder. Less demanding schools tend to grant smaller ones.
  
• Colorado's use of Affirmative Action depresses black graduation rates strongly and Hispanic graduation rates slightly, presumably because students admitted by preferences lack the academic preparation needed to succeed at the schools enrolling them. Six years after enrolling, less than one-third of all blacks and Hispanics earn their diplomas, as opposed to more than half of all Asians and whites.
  
• If Colorado schools were to begin admitting undergraduate students on a colorblind basis, black and Hispanic admissions would not drop sharply across the board. The Colorado School of Mines and the University of Colorado at Boulder probably would experience significant declines in black and Hispanic enrollment. Additionally, Colorado State University and the University of Colorado at Denver probably would see black enrollment fall off. The other eight schools in the system would not witness major changes.
  
• In a system of colorblind admissions, the average black college applicant in Colorado would have a sufficient SAT score, ACT score, or GPA to gain admission to all but the Colorado School of Mines, Colorado State University, the University of Colorado at Boulder, and the University of Colorado at Denver. The average Hispanic could attend all but the Colorado School of Mines and Colorado State University. The average Asian American or white could attend all but the Colorado School of Mines.

Introduction

For more than 20 years, Affirmative Action have played a key role in how admissions officers at public colleges and universities in the United States have chosen their schools' undergraduate classes. A system of Affirmative Action in the admissions process operates by establishing different standards of admission for individuals based on their racial or ethnic background, with some students held to a higher standard and others admitted on the basis of a lower standard. Earlier this century, some colleges and universities denied admission to Jews, blacks, women, and the members of other groups even when their grades, test scores, and other measures of academic achievement surpassed those of non-Jewish white males who were offered an opportunity to enroll. The passage of new civil rights laws in the 1960s made this kind of blatant discrimination illegal.

In order to overcome the past effects of discrimination, however, many colleges and universities created affirmative action programs meant to boost the enrollment of students whose background previously had excluded them from pursuing a higher education--especially blacks and, to a lesser extent, Hispanics--by granting preferences to them during the admissions process. These policies were immediately controversial, and they remain so today. Defenders of Affirmative Action claim that their policies are not discriminatory and help administrators choose between equally or almost equally qualified students, giving a slight edge to people who have faced discrimination or come from disadvantaged backgrounds. Critics of Affirmative Action say that these policies are no better than the discriminatory ones they replaced and that the advantages they confer upon certain applicants are much greater than supporters are willing to admit.

Public colleges and universities have seen their ability to use Affirmative Action increasingly restricted in the last two years. The enactment of California's Proposition 209 (also known as the California Civil Rights Initiative) forbids discriminating against or granting special treatment to any applicant on the basis of race, ethnicity, and gender in the country's largest state. Grassroots activists elsewhere are bound to consider placing similar proposals on their own state ballots, and lawmakers in state capitals may draft legislation modeled on the new California law. Earlier this year, in fact, Colorado's House of Representatives passed a bill that would have outlawed the use of racial preferences in the operation of state government. But the Senate refused to act on it and the effort failed. (In 1992, about 80 percent of all Colorado residents were non-Hispanic white, 13 percent were Hispanic, 4 percent were black, 2 percent were Asian, and less the 1 percent were American Indian, according to the U.S. Bureau of the Census.)

This study examines the extent to which Affirmative Action are used in Colorado's 12 public colleges and universities and attempts to determine how the elimination of Affirmative Action would affect the enrollment patterns of these schools. It submits actual admissions data supplied by the Colorado Commission on Higher Education to a rigorous statistical analysis, and its conclusions are the result of the most extensive investigations of how Affirmative Action operate in Colorado's 12 public colleges and universities. In fact, it is one of the most detailed study of its kind ever published. The report is the latest in series published by the Center for Equal Opportunity, a Washington, D.C.-based public policy research organization. Earlier CEO studies of single schools--the University of California at Berkeley and the University of California at San Diego--have shown that blacks and Hispanics receive enormous preferences in the undergraduate admissions process. This CEO study is the first of several to focus on all the public colleges and universities in a single state.

Methods of Study

The Colorado Commission on Higher Education provided information on undergraduate admissions for the fall 1995 class of incoming freshmen at each of the 12 public colleges and universities in Colorado: Adams State College, Colorado School of Mines, Colorado State University, Fort Lewis College, Mesa State College, Metropolitan State College of Denver, University of Colorado at Boulder, University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, University of Colorado at Denver, University of Northern Colorado, University of Southern Colorado, and Western State College of Colorado. Figure 1 provides a list of these schools, followed by their ranking in the 1997 edition of Barron's Profiles of American Colleges.

The admissions data from each of these schools included summary statistics regarding applicants, admittees who did not enroll, enrollees, and rejectees. These statistics included the following: the combined Math and Verbal SAT scores at the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentiles of acceptances, enrollees, and rejectees for blacks, Hispanics, Asian Americans, and whites; the composite ACT scores at the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentiles of acceptances, enrollees, and rejectees for each racial and ethnic group; the high school grade point averages (GPAs) at the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentile of acceptances, enrollees, and rejectees for each racial and ethnic group; and the six-year graduation rates for each racial and ethnic group. They did not provide any statistics based on five or fewer reported test scores or grades. Nor did they provide any raw data or individual records. American Indians were dropped from the analysis because there were too few reported results.

We do not report group means for grades, SAT, or ACT scores. Using group means places greater weight on extreme values than is warranted. A few unusually high or low scores can have a substantial effect on the value of the mean. The median and related statistics, however, are far less affected by the values of extreme cases. The median represents the middle of the distribution. Fifty percent of all students have greater scores than the median, and 50 percent score lower.

We also report scores at the 25th and 75th percentiles, again to deal with the problem of extreme cases. While the median represents the middle of the distribution, the 25th and 75th percentile scores taken together represent the actual spread of scores. For example, a combined SAT score of 800 at the 25th percentile means that 25 percent of combined scores were below 800 while 75 percent of scores were above it. A score of 1400 at the 75th percentile means that 75 percent of scores were below 1400 while 25 percent of student scores were above 1400.

We examine both SAT and ACT scores. The SAT and ACT are not quite comparable tests. SAT scores range from 200 to 800 on separate Verbal and Math tests; combined scores range from 400 to 1600. In contrast, the ACT is actually four tests, in English, reading, mathematics, and science reasoning. A student's raw scores for all four tests are combined and converted into scaled scores. The scaled scores are converted into one composite ACT score. The possible range of composite ACT scores is from 1 to 36. Although we report both SAT and ACT results, a larger proportion of students in nearly every school report ACT scores than report SAT scores. The University of Colorado at Boulder is the single exception to this rule.

Applications, Admissions, and Enrollments

Figure 2 shows the relatively high admissions rates at the Colorado schools. Most who apply are admitted. The average admissions rate is 73 percent for blacks, 80 percent for Hispanics, 85 percent for Asian Americans, and 84 percent for whites. At 11 of 12 schools, blacks are admitted at lower rates than whites, while the same is true for Hispanics at 10 schools. Asians are admitted at higher or the same rates as whites to 8 schools, while whites are admitted at higher rates than Asians at four schools. Admissions rates, however, do not offer much information on the extent of race and ethnic preferences in the admissions process. For that, we must consider racial and ethnic differences in qualifications at individual schools throughout the Colorado system.

Differences in Enrollee Qualifications by Race and Ethnicity

We examine three sets of differences in qualifications: white-black, white-Hispanic, and white-Asian. Treating each pairwise comparison separately makes it easy to see whether substantial differences in racial and ethnic preferences exist and for which groups they are greatest.

Differences Between Whites and Blacks

Figure 3
White-Black Enrollee Differences in SAT Scores

Whites on average have better credentials than do blacks regardless of whether we examine SATs, ACTs, or grade-point averages. Figures 3, 4, and 5 show the white-black gap in median SAT scores for the 12 Colorado schools, the gap in median ACT scores, and the gap in median GPAs. The number of blacks at each school is small. In some cases, the number of blacks reporting scores and grades is so small that the Colorado Commission refused to supply the figures to ensure the privacy of individuals. Nevertheless, a clear pattern emerges.

Figure 4
White-Black Enrollee Differences in ACT Scores

Figure 5
White-Black Enrollee Differences in GPAs
There is no case in which the black median is equal to or greater than the white median, be it grades or test scores. For three different measures of qualifications (ACTs, SATs, and GPAs there are 31 instances (eight schools for the SATs, 11 for the ACTs, and 12 for the GPAs) in which the white median is higher than the black median, and none in which the reverse is true. The probability of this happening by chance is exceedingly small. It is the same as the probability of flipping a coin and getting 31 heads in a row. This is incontrovertible evidence of Affirmative Action being used to increase black enrollment at the public colleges and universities in Colorado.

Differences Between Whites and Hispanics

White-Hispanic differences are smaller than the ones between whites and blacks. In a few instances, Hispanics on average perform better than whites. The gaps are there nonetheless. Figures 6, 7, and 8 show the white-Hispanic differences in median SAT scores, median ACT scores, and median GPAs.

Figure 6
White-Hispanic Enrollee Differences in SAT Scores
At nine of 11 schools, white median SATs and white median GPAs are higher than the Hispanic medians. The Hispanic median SAT is higher than the white average at three others. White and Hispanic GPAs are the same at three schools, while white grades are higher at the remaining nine schools.

ACT scores are another matter. At all 12 schools, white median ACT scores are higher than the Hispanic ACT medians. The difference between ACTs and SATs is probably due to the fact that many more whites and Hispanics in Colorado take the ACTs than the SATs. Thus the ACT results are more representative.

Figure 7
White-Hispanic Enrollee Differences in ACT Scores

Out of 35 possible points of comparison, whites are higher on the average in 30 of them and Hispanics are equal or better than whites in six. The odds of flipping a coin 35 times and having it land heads 30 times is less than one-tenth of one percent. This is extremely strong evidence of Affirmative Action being used to increase Hispanic enrollment in the public colleges and universities of Colorado.

Figure 8
White-Hispanic Enrollee Differences in GPAs

Differences Between Whites and Asians

Figure 9
White-Asian Enrollee Differences in SAT Scores
There is little difference between white and Asian qualifications. Figures 9, 10, and 11 show Asian scores and grades in comparison to whites for all schools that reported data. For the nine school reporting SAT data, the white median is higher than the Asian median in 6 schools, the medians are equal in one school and that the white median is less than the Asian median in two schools.

For ACTs we have data from all 12 schools. Eight of these have a higher white medians than Asian medians, two of them have equal Asian and white medians, and two schools have lower white median scores than their Asian counterparts.

Figure 10
White-Asian Enrollee Differences in ACT Scores

For GPAs, we find that four schools have white medians higher than Asian medians, there are three schools with equal white and Asian medians, and five schools where Asian have higher median enrollee grades than do their white counterparts. Out of 33 possible comparisons, then, we find that 17 show higher white scores, while 16 show equal or better Asian scores. The probability of flipping a coin 33 times and having it land on heads 17 times and tails 16 times is extremely good.

Figure 11
White-Asian Enrollee Differences in GPAs
With some exceptions, Asian and white scores and grades are the same or Asian scores are actually higher. For these few exceptions, white scores are considerably higher than Asian scores. Two of these schools (the University of Colorado at Boulder and the University of Colorado at Denver) are rated as very competitive. This raises the possibility that in a few limited cases, Asians are treated as preferred minorities, like blacks and Hispanics. For the most part, however, Affirmative Action are not used to increase Asian American enrollment in the public colleges and universities of Colorado.

Bigger Gaps at Better Schools

Admitting students based on race preference results in schools accepting minorities with much lower test scores and grades compared to whites at the same school. This creates a situation in which a group of enrollees who were admitted under a scheme of race-preferences actually have the same qualifications as whites of a lesser school. Admissions officers essentially reach down into the applicant pool and pull up certain students. This practice also results in at least some whites (and perhaps Asians) with better credentials than black and Hispanic enrollees being rejected from the same schools, despite their superior qualifications.

Critics of race preferences have argued that as better schools reach down into the applicant pool to accept minorities, the gap in qualifications between their white enrollees and minorities grows larger. If this is the case, then there should be a positive relationship between the quality of a school and its white-minority gap so that the better the school, the greater the gap.

To statistically represent the relationship between school quality and its white-minority gap, we decided to measure school quality by using the median scores and grades of its white enrollees. We computed correlations between the white median SATs, ACTs and GPAs with the white-black, white-Hispanic, and white-Asian differences in scores and grades using data for the 12 schools in our study. The results are shown in Figure 12.

Figure 12
Correlating White Median Test Scores and
Grades with White-Minority Gaps

Statistically, there is an almost perfect correlation of 0.83 between white median ACT scores and the white-black difference in median ACT scores, meaning that there is a very strong positive relationship between the quality of the student body and its white-black gap. As the average white ACT score increases, the gap between the scores of whites and blacks also grows. Conversely, the lower the school's quality the smaller the black-white ACT gap.

The correlation between white median GPAs and the white-black gap in grades is 0.39, meaning that there is a substantial positive relationship between higher grades for whites and an increasing gap in grades between whites and blacks.

The correlation for SATs, however, is reversed. The correlation between the white median SAT and the white-black difference in SATs is -0.48, meaning that as the white median SAT increases, the white-black gap in SATs declines. The most likely explanation for this surprising negative relationship is that it is a data quirk. It may be due to how few students take the SATs, how few black enrollees there are, how few students of any kind in fact take the SATs, or the existence of missing data both for particular schools and for each school.

The SAT scores have the fewest number of individuals reporting scores compared to ACTs and grades. In three schools, this resulted in five or fewer blacks, so figures were not available. In addition, for each school for which we are able to report SAT figures, these are based upon far fewer data points and contained the largest number of missing cases. This is most likely because ACTs are the standardized test of choice for those applying to in-state schools. The only reason potential students might take the SAT either in addition to or instead of the ACT is that they expect to apply exclusively to either the top Colorado schools--University of Colorado at Boulder or the Colorado School of Mines--or to apply to out-of-state colleges and universities that accept only SATs for application to admission. The end result is that the SAT results are relatively unrepresentative.

The substantial but negative correlation could also reflect the existence of a small number of black students who would have gotten in without race preferences. Again, average scores are affected because of the small number of individuals taking the SATs. Because none of the other correlations between whites and blacks, and between whites and other minorities, displays this negative relationship, we feel it appropriate to consider this anomaly a statistical accident.

Higher white median scores are also correlated with an increasing gap between whites and Hispanics. The correlation between the white median SAT and the white-Hispanic gap is 0.51. It is 0.36 between white median ACT scores and the white-Hispanic gap. There is virtually no correlation between white median GPAs and the white-Hispanic gap (-0.10).

There is little evidence of an increasing disparity when comparing increasing white credentials with the white-Asian gap, except when it comes to ACTs. There is a positive correlation between white median ACTs and the white-Asian gap (0.33). This is not the case for either SATs and grades. There is no almost no relationship between white median ACTs and a white-Asian gap (-0.03 for SATs and -0.04 for GPAs).

These data indicate that with the exception of black-white SAT scores, the efforts of the better schools to reach into their student pools for lesser schools to satisfy policies of Affirmative Action for blacks and Hispanics are substantial.

How Preferences Affect Graduation Rates

If students gain admission to college and universities for any reason other than their academic preparation, it is likely that they will face more burdens in school than their peers who have met a higher standard of admission. They may, in fact, fail to earn their degrees. So it makes sense that Affirmative Action will have a negative effect on the graduation rates of students who are said to benefit from them. Indeed, the six-year graduation rates for whites and Asians, who do not receive preferences in the admissions process, are much higher than those of blacks and Hispanics, who do receive preferences, at almost every school examined as well as on the average.

Figure 13
Six-Year Graduation Rates
These graduation rates are shown in Figure 13, which is based upon weighted averages of students entering the college or university in 1987, 1988, or 1989. White graduation rates are higher than black graduation rates at 10 of 12 schools. (It should be noted that for the two instances in which blacks graduate at higher rates than whites, we are dealing with extremely small samples sizes for the blacks.) The probability of flipping a coin and having it land on heads 10 times out of 12 is about four percent.

White graduation rates are higher than Hispanic graduation rates at 11 of 12 schools. The probability of flipping a coin 12 times and having it land on heads 11 times is less than one percent. White graduation rates are higher than Asian graduation rates are higher at eight of 11 schools (one school has missing data for Asians). The probability of flipping a coin 11 times and having it land on heads eight times is 23 percent.

Of course, students can drop out of college for many reasons, and the low rate of graduation for blacks and Hispanics could be due to economic factors, among many other possibilities. To determine the extent to which preferences may play a role in the failure to graduate, we tried to learn whether the odds a student would graduate were affected by the differences in test scores and GPAs of the enrolled students. If the differences in median scores correlated with the differences in graduation rates, we would have an affirmative answer.

Statistically, there is a strong correlation (0.51) between the white median ACT score and the differences in white and black graduation rates. There is a weak correlation (0.17) between the white median ACT score and the gap white and Hispanic graduation rates. There is hardly any correlation (-0.09) between white ACT scores and white-Asian graduation rates.

Using white median SATs as a measure of academic quality reveals virtually identical results. There is a moderate correlation (0.37) between white median SAT scores and the difference in the graduation rates of whites and blacks. For Hispanics, the correlation is only slightly stronger (0.18) than in the case of the ACT. For Asians, there is actually a negative correlation (-0.17) between white median SAT scores and the difference in white and Asian graduation rates.

These results show that the better the school, the greater the gap in graduation rates between whites, on the one hand, and blacks and Hispanics, on the other. The correlation is strongest for blacks, who receive the largest benefit from Affirmative Action, and somewhat less for Hispanics, who receive fewer benefits. It is non-existent or even negative for Asian Americans. Thus, the use of Affirmative Action are clearly having a moderately negative impact on the graduation rates of blacks and a slightly negative one on the graduation rates of Hispanics.

Black and Hispanic Admissions vs. White Rejections

The use of Affirmative Action inevitably leads to less qualified black and Hispanic students to take the place of more qualified white (and sometimes Asian American) students. About 50 percent of the white rejectees had better ACT scores than the black admittee median at five schools: Fort Lewis College, Metropolitan State, Mesa State, University of Colorado at Denver, and University of Colorado at Boulder. About 25 percent of the white rejectees had better ACT scores than the black admittee median at six schools: Adams State College, Northern Colorado, Western State College, Colorado School of Mines, University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, and Colorado State. There were too few rejectees at the University of Southern Colorado to include in this analysis.

The story is similar with fewer cases for grades. About 25 percent of white rejectees had better qualifications than did the black admittee median at four schools: Mesa State, University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, University of Colorado at Boulder, and the University of Colorado at Denver. At the remaining seven schools (not including the University of Southern Colorado) fewer than 25 percent of white rejectees had qualifications better than the black admittee median.

Does this mean that at these schools there was no reverse discrimination? Not necessarily. There could be as many as 24 percent and as few as zero percent who were subject to it. The information needed to ascertain how many white rejectees were better qualified than the black admittee median was not available. The numbers we do have, however, suggest quite strongly that many individual white students were rejected to make room for less-qualified black and Hispanic applicants who were then admitted.

What Colorblind Admissions Would Mean for Colorado

Alarmists suggest that colorblind admissions would lock minorities out of the opportunity to pursue a higher education. In the state of Colorado, however, this clearly would not be the case. Almost every high school graduate who would like to pursue an advanced degree would have the chance to do so, even if no college or university in the entire state granted Affirmative Action.

Figure 14
Probable Access to Schools Based on Median SAT Scores

Ending Affirmative Action, however, would have an impact at the most competitive schools. The Colorado School of Mines and the University of Colorado at Boulder probably would experience significant declines in black and Hispanic admissions. Additionally, Colorado State University and the University of Colorado at Denver probably would see black enrollment fall off. The other eight schools in the system would not witness major changes, since they would benefit from a trickle-down effect of black and Hispanic students who did not gain admission to more prestigious campuses.

To arrive at this conclusion, we looked at the median SAT scores, ACT scores, and GPAs of all the blacks, Hispanics, Asians, and whites who applied to one of ColoradoÕs public colleges or universities in 1995 and compared them to the 25th percentile of whites who actually enrolled at each of the schools. (See Figures 14, 15, and 16.) If the median score equaled or surpassed the white 25th percentile score in any of the categories, we assumed that the applicant could gain admission to that school. In a system of colorblind admissions, the average black college applicant in Colorado would have a sufficient SAT score, ACT score, or GPA to gain admission to all but the Colorado School of Mines, Colorado State University, the University of Colorado at Boulder, and the University of Colorado at Denver. The average Hispanic could attend all but the Colorado School of Mines and Colorado State University. The average Asian American or white could attend all but the Colorado School of Mines.

Figure 15
Probable Access to Schools Based on Median ACT Scores

Blacks and Hispanics tend to perform better on their GPAs relative to Asians and whites than on their standardized tests. If SAT and ACT scores were the only criteria for admission, and neither race nor GPAs were considered, the average black college applicant in Colorado would be able to enroll at Adams State College, Fort Lewis College, Mesa State College, Metropolitan State College, the University of Northern Colorado, the University of Southern Colorado, or Western State College. This student would presumably be denied admission to the Colorado School of Mines, Colorado State University, the University of Colorado at Boulder, the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, and the University of Colorado at Denver. The average Hispanic college applicant in Colorado, judged strictly on SAT or ACT scores, would gain admission to every school except the Colorado School of Mines and the University of Colorado at Boulder. Average Asians and whites would be denied admission to the Colorado School of Mines.

Among students performing in the top quartile of their racial or ethnic category on the SAT, ACT, or GPA, only blacks would be denied admission to any of the public colleges and universities in the state, and only to the Colorado School of Mines. Hispanics, Asians, and whites who scored at the 75th percentile or higher in these areas would beat the white enrollee 25th percentile. (See Figures 17, 18, and 19.) If grades were dropped from the analysis and only test scores considered, blacks performing in the top quartile would not get into the Colorado School of Mines or the University of Colorado at Boulder. Hispanics, Asians, and whites would still find a place at each of the schools.

Figure 16
Probable Access to Schools Based on Median GPAs

Figure 17
Probable Access to Schools Based on Top-Quartile SAT Scores

Figure 18
Probable Access to Schools Based on Top-Quartile ACT Scores

Figure 19
Probable Access to Schools Based on Top-Quartile GPAs

Adams State College

Applicants, Admittees, and Enrollees

In 1995, 2,081 people applied for admission to Adams State College and 96 percent were admitted. Fifty-two percent of admittees were subsequently enrolled. The majority of applicants were white, but Hispanics made up a significant minority.

Adams State Applicants:

• 2.6 percent black
• 25.4 percent Hispanic
• 1.6 percent Asian
• 70.4 percent white

The racial and ethnic composition of those accepted for admission was roughly the same as the racial and ethnic composition of the applicant pool.

Adams State Acceptances:

• 2.1 percent black
• 25.6 percent Hispanic
• 1.7 percent Asian
• 70.5 percent white

While the overall admissions rate is 96 percent, proportionately fewer blacks were admitted to Adams State College. All Asians, and practically all whites and Hispanics, were admitted.

Adams State Rates of Admission:

• 79.6 percent of blacks
• 97.2 percent of Hispanics
• 100 percent of Asians
• 96.4 percent of whites

The ethnic composition of enrollees differs somewhat from the ethnic composition of the applicant pool. Blacks and Asians make up roughly the same proportion of enrollees as applicants, but there are roughly five percent more Hispanics and five percent fewer whites among enrollees compared to applicants and admittees.

Adams State Enrollees:

• 2.5 percent black
• 30.7 percent Hispanic
• 1.5 percent Asian
• 65.3 percent white

Differences in Enrollee SAT Scores

Only 15 percent of Adams State enrollees submitted SAT scores, so we have not analyzed them in this study.

Differences in Enrollee ACT Scores

Figure 20
Enrollee ACT Scores, Adams State College
Adams State accepts both SAT and ACT scores. Eighty-five percent of enrollees submitted ACT scores, including 72 percent of blacks, 82 percent of whites, 92 percent of Hispanics, and all Asian enrollees. Figure 20 shows the composite ACT scores at the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentiles for each racial and ethnic group of enrollees.

There is some overlap of scores among the four ethnic groups, but on the whole, Hispanics and blacks score lower than whites and Asians. Asians have a wider range of scores than whites. Asian scores, furthermore, are lower at the 25th percentile and higher at the 75th percentile than white scores.

The median Hispanic score is the equivalent of white scores at the 25th percentile, while the median white score is the equivalent to Hispanic scores at the 75th percentile. In other words, half the Hispanics score the same as 25 percent of whites. 50 percent of whites score better than 75 percent of Hispanics.

Black scores are generally lower than whites. More than 50 percent of white enrollees have ACT scores higher than the black 75th percentile and 75 percent of whites have scores greater than or equal to the bottom 50 percent of black enrollees.

Differences in Enrollee GPAs

Figure 21
Enrollee GPAs: Adams State College
Figure 21 shows the high school grade-point averages (GPAs) for each racial and ethnic group at the 25th, 50th and 75th percentiles. While there is some overlap of GPAs among ethnic groups, most whites have GPAs higher than the median black, Asian, and Hispanic GPAs. Blacks have the lowest GPAs at the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentiles. The range of Asian GPAs is the greatest. The 25th percentile of Asian GPA is almost as low as that of blacks, while the Asian GPA at the 75th percentile is as high as that of whites.

Seventy-five percent of white enrollees have scores higher than at least 50 percent of black enrollees. Moreover, the 75th percentile score of black enrollees (2.90) is less than the white enrollee median (3.10).

Comparing White Rejectees vs. Black Admittees

White rejectees' ACT scores at the 75th percentile (18.5) are greater than the black admittee median (17.9) and roughly equal to the Hispanic admittee median (18.4). (ACT scores and GPAs for black admittees are weighted averages of black enrollees and black admittees who did not enroll.) This means that more than a quarter but less than half of white rejectees have ACT scores superior to the black and Hispanic enrollee medians. The range of GPAs for white rejectees falls below that of black and Hispanic admittees. Seventy-five percent of white rejectees have lower GPAs (2.25) than all but the lowest 25 percent of black admittees (2.33) and Hispanic admittees (2.48).

Graduation Rates

On average, 50 percent of blacks and Asians finish in six years, compared to 42 percent of whites and 38 percent of Hispanics. The completion rates do not match differences in academic qualifications among enrollees. Although the graduation rates of whites, Asians, and Hispanics mirror their differences in qualifications at enrollment, blacks finish at a surprisingly high rate. This rate must be treated with caution as it is based on only a handful of students. In 1989, 67 percent of black students finished, while in 1988 only 33 percent did so. Put in raw numbers, however, these percentages are based on only six cases in each year. In contrast, there were 231, 261 and 258 whites in the entering classes for the same three year period. These numbers are based on the six-year graduation rates for the classes of 1987, 1988, and 1989 for Hispanics and whites, for 1987 and 1988 for Asians and 1988 and 1989 for blacks.

Colorado School of Mines

Applicants, Admittees, and Enrollees

In 1995, 1,711 people applied for admissions and 80 percent (n=1,369) were admitted. Forty-four percent (n=609) subsequently enrolled. The overwhelming proportion of applicants were white.

Colorado School of Mines Applicants:

• 2.0 percent black
• 7.8 percent Hispanic
• 6.1 percent Asian
• 84.1 percent white

The ethnic composition of admittees is roughly the same as the ethnic composition of the applicant pool.

Colorado School of Mines Acceptances:

• 1.8 percent black
• 7.2 percent Hispanic
• 6.3 percent Asian
• 84.7 percent white

While the overall admissions rate for the Colorado School of Mines is 80 percent, the admissions rates among racial and ethnic group differ somewhat. Proportionately more whites and Asians are admitted compared to Hispanics and blacks.

Colorado School of Mines Rates of Admission:

• 70.6 percent of blacks
• 74.4 percent of Hispanics
• 81.9 percent of Asians
• 80.6 percent of whites

The ethnic composition of enrollees also differs little from the composition of the applicant pool, although fewer whites and more Hispanic admittees subsequently enrolled.

Colorado School of Mines Enrollees:

• 1.8 percent black
• 9.7 percent Hispanic
• 6.9 percent Asian
• 81.6 percent white

Differences in Enrollee SAT Scores

Sixty percent of enrollees' combined SAT scores were provided by the Colorado Higher Education Commission. Figure 17 shows the range of scores by racial and ethnic group. The 30 point median difference between blacks and whites is the smallest of any public college or university in Colorado. More careful examination of Figure 22, however, suggests that of the 7 blacks for whom we have data, perhaps three or four are highly qualified. The remainder are not. This is suggested by the fact that while the differences of medians is only 30 points, the differences of black and white 25th percentiles is 150 points, a substantial gap.

Differences in Enrollee ACT Scores

Figure 23
Enrollee ACT Scores
Colorado School of Mines
Seventy-five percent of enrollees submitted ACT scores. Because there were five or fewer black enrollees with ACT scores, the Colorado Commission on Higher Education did not release the figures for black enrollees. However, other data provided to us--the scores for all applicants, for rejected applicants, and for applicants who were accepted but did not enroll--allowed us to calculate the scores for black enrollees.

In Figure 23, we find that the white median was the highest at 27, followed by the Asian median at 25.5, the Hispanic median at 25, and the black median at 22. The white, Asian, and Hispanic data followed the expected patterns of relationship. The black 75 percentile score was the highest of any of the groups, exceeding even the white 75th percentile by nearly four points. In a manner parallel to our findings for SAT scores, this suggests that one or two of the black enrollees are superbly qualified, with composite scores at or near 33. The remainder, perhaps a majority, with scores in the low 20s or even less are far less qualified than their white counterparts.

Differences in Enrollee GPAs

Figure 24 shows high school grade-point averages (GPAs) at the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentile for each group. Group differences in GPAs are greater than differences in SATs or ACTs. The 75th percentile GPA for Asians, Hispanics and whites is 4.00, while black GPAs at the 75th percentile are 3.70. The black median GPA of 3.35 is lower than the GPAs at the 25th percentile for other groups and nearly half of a grade point below both the white and Asian medians.

White and Asian Rejectees vs. Black and Hispanic Admittees

The SAT score of white rejectees at the 75th percentile (1095) is roughly equal to the median of black admittees (1097), and higher than the median for Hispanic admittees (1048). In other words, the top quarter of white rejectees have higher SAT scores than almost half the black admittees, and more than half the Hispanic admittees. For the ACT, the 75th percentile score of whites (25) is higher than the black admittee median (23.2) and equal to the Hispanic admittee median (25). This means that at least 25 percent but less than half of white rejectees had higher ACT scores than more than half of the black admittees and half of the Hispanic admittees. The 75th percentile scores for Asian rejectees on the SAT (990) and ACT (22.8) are lower than the black and Hispanic admittee medians. Almost 25 percent of Asian and white rejectees (3.60 and 3.50 at the 75th percentile, respectively) have GPAs greater than the median black acceptee GPA (3.65).

Graduation Rates

Blacks graduate at a very substantially lower rate than do members of the other racial and ethnic groups. This finding is consistent with both the SAT and ACT scores and GPA differences between black enrollees and members of the other racial and ethnic groups. The ordering among Asian, Hispanic, and white enrollees is also consistent with the idea that enrollee academic qualifications are a major determinant of completing the undergraduate program. On average, 25 percent of blacks finish in six years, compared to 77 percent of Asians, 62 percent of Hispanics, and 68 percent of whites. These numbers are based on the six-year graduation rates for the classes of 1987, 1988, and 1989 at the Colorado School of Mines, by racial and ethnic group membership. Data on black completion rates are from 1989 only.

Colorado State University

Applicants, Admittees, and Enrollees

In 1995, 13,681 persons applied for admissions to Colorado State University. Seventy-five percent (10,305) were admitted, and 51 percent (5,256) of those admitted decided to enroll. The overwhelming majority of applicants were white.

Colorado State University Applicants:

• 2.3 percent black
• 6.7 percent Hispanic
• 3.6 percent Asian
• 87.4 percent white

The racial and ethnic composition of those admitted is roughly the same as the racial and ethnic composition of its applicant pool, although there are comparatively fewer blacks and Hispanics.

Colorado State University Acceptances:

• 1.8 percent black
• 6.6 percent Hispanic
• 3.9 percent Asian
• 87.8 percent white

While the overall admissions rate was 75 percent, Colorado State admitted proportionately more Hispanics, Asians, and whites than blacks.

Colorado State University Rates of Admission:

• 59.4 percent blacks
• 74.0 percent Hispanics
• 79.6 percent Asians
• 75.7 percent whites

The ethnic composition of enrollees also differs little from that of the applicant pool, although there are slightly fewer blacks, Asians, and Hispanics and slightly more whites as a proportion of enrollees.

Colorado State University Enrollees:

• 1.3 percent black
• 6.4 percent Hispanic
• 2.9 percent Asian
• 89.4 percent white

Differences in Enrollee SAT Scores

Figure 25
Enrollee SAT Scores, Colorado State University
The Colorado Commission reported combined SAT scores for 32.4 percent of enrollees (1703 students) at the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentiles for each racial and ethnic group of enrollees. The Asian American scores are higher than all other groups at the 75th and 50th percentiles. Asian and white scores are somewhat higher than those for Hispanics and much higher than those for blacks. The Hispanic median is 45 points lower than the median white score, and 65 points lower than the Asian median. The median black score is 150 points lower than the median score for whites, and is 170 points lower than the median Asian score. The black median is roughly equal to the Hispanic score at the 25th percentile, and is lower than white and Asian scores at the 25th percentile. This means that 75 percent of Hispanics have scores equal to or higher than all but the top black enrollees, and 75 percent of Asians and whites have scores higher than 50 percent of all black enrollees. (See Figure 25.)

Differences in Enrollee ACT Scores

The Colorado Commission reported composite ACT scores for 48.4 percent of enrollees (2,544 students). The median black score is much lower than the median ACT scores for Asians, Hispanics, and whites. It is the same as Asian and white scores at the 25th percentile, and slightly higher than the Hispanic score at the 25th percentile. Half the black enrollees have equal or lower ACT scores than all but the bottom 25 percent of Asians, Hispanics, and whites. In contrast, differences among Asian, Hispanic and white scores at the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentiles are much smaller, although Hispanic scores are consistently lower compared to scores of the other two groups. The largest difference is a two-point gap between Asian and Hispanic scores at the 75th percentile. (See Figure 26.)

Differences in Enrollee GPAs

Figure 27
Enrollee GPAs, Colorado State University
The Colorado Commission also provided GPAs for 55.5 percent (2,918) of the enrollees (see Figure 22). Asian, white, and Hispanic enrollees have comparable GPAs. The median GPA for blacks is roughly a half-point lower than the median GPA for whites, Hispanics, and Asians. It is only slightly lower than the GPA at the 25th percentile for whites, Hispanics, and Asians. This means that 50 percent of black enrollees have GPAs considerably lower than all but the bottom 25 percent of Asians, Hispanics, and whites. (See Figure 27.)

White and Asian Rejectees vs. Black and Hispanic Admittees

SAT scores at the 75th percentile for Asian and white rejectees (950 for both) are higher than the 50th black admittees (901) but lower than the median score for Hispanic admittees (978). That is, less than half but more than 25 percent of white and Asian rejectees have scores better than the black acceptee median. Likewise, the 75th percentile ACT score for Asian rejectees (23) and white rejectees (22) is higher than the black admittee median (21) and roughly equal to the Hispanic admittee median (23). (ACT scores for black and Hispanic admittees are also weighted averages of enrollees and admittees who went elsewhere.) The median GPAs of the top 25 percent of Asian and white rejectees (3.00 for both) are lower than the median GPAs of black and Hispanic acceptees (3.21 and 3.80 respectively).

Although the GPA results are weaker than the test score results, all the findings taken together provide substantial evidence that Affirmative Action in admission do operate at Colorado State University to the detriment of many white and Asian prospective students.

Graduation Rates

Blacks, with weaker qualifications upon admission, also finish at much lower rates compared to Hispanics, whites and Asians. Whites, however, had roughly the same qualifications upon admissions when compared to Hispanics and Asians, but finished at a higher rate. On average, 41 percent of blacks (n=136), 56 percent of Asians (n=157), 54 percent of Hispanics (n=384), and 66 percent of whites (n=5,575) finished after six years. These data are based on six-year completion rates for the classes of 1987, 1988, and 1989. Black scores are calculated from 1989 only.

Fort Lewis College

Applicants, Admittees, and Enrollees

In 1995, 3,857 people applied for admission to Fort Lewis College and 3,142 applicants (81 percent) were accepted. Forty-two percent of those admitted (1,309) decide to enroll. The vast majority of applicants were white or Hispanic.

Fort Lewis College Applicants:

• 1.5 percent black
• 6.7 percent Hispanic
• 1.8 percent Asian
• 90.1 percent white

The racial and ethnic composition of those admitted to Fort Lewis College is roughly the same as the racial and ethnic composition of its applicant pool, although there are fewer blacks and Hispanics and slightly more whites.

Fort Lewis College Acceptances:

• 1.0 percent black
• 6.2 percent Hispanic
• 1.8 percent Asian
• 90.9 percent white

While the overall admissions rate was 81 percent, Fort Lewis College admitted proportionately more whites and Asians and a somewhat smaller proportionate of Hispanics, while admitting a majority of black applicants.

Fort Lewis College Rates of Admission:

• 57.1 percent of blacks
• 76.3 percent of Hispanics
• 84.1 percent of Asians
• 82.2 percent of whites

The ethnic composition of enrollees also differs little from that of the applicant pool, although the enrollees are made up of comparatively fewer blacks, Asians, and Hispanics and proportionately more whites compared to the applicant pool.

Fort Lewis College Enrollees:

• 0.8 percent black
• 5.7 percent Hispanic
• 1.4 percent Asian
• 92.1 percent white

Differences in Enrollee SAT Scores

Figure 28
Enrollee SAT Scores, Fort Lewis College
The Colorado Commission reported combined SAT scores for 30 percent of enrollees (387 students) at the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentiles for Asians, Hispanics, and whites. (See Figure 28). There were too few black scores available for analysis. There is much overlap in SAT scores, although surprisingly, Hispanics have higher SAT scores. The median Hispanic SAT score is 20 points higher than the white median and 25 points higher than the Asian median, while Hispanic scores at the 75th percentile is significantly higher than those of Asians and whites at the 75th percentile.

Differences in Enrollee ACT Scores

More usefully, the Colorado Commission reported composite ACT scores for 59 percent of enrollees (707 students). There is much overlap between the scores of Hispanics, Asians, and whites. Although Hispanics consistently have the lowest scores at the 75th, 50th, and 25th percentiles, the gaps are never more than a single point. There were not enough black scores available for this analysis. (See Figure 29.)

Differences in Enrollee GPAs

Figure 30
Enrollee GPAs, Fort Lewis College
Hispanics, Asians, and whites have similar GPAs at Fort Lewis College, although Asians show a greater range in scores. Black scores are lower than the scores of the other groups. The 50th percentile Asian score is equal to the 75th percentile black score, and the 25th percentile Hispanic and white scores fit between the 75th and 50th percentile black scores. (See Figure 30.)

White Rejectees vs. Hispanic Admittees

The 75th percentile SAT score of white rejectees (850) is lower than the Hispanic admittee median score (890) and higher than the Hispanic 25th percentile score (798). There were no black enrollee data for either SATs or ACTs.

Differences in ACT scores for white rejectees versus Hispanic and black admittees follow a similar pattern. (ACT scores for Hispanic admittees are also weighted averages of enrollees' scores and the scores of admittees who went elsewhere.) The 75th percentile ACT score of white rejectees (19) is lower than the 25th percentile ACT of Hispanic admittees (18.2) and higher than the black admittee median ACT score (17.5). The white rejectee median (18) is also higher than the black admittee median, meaning that more than 50 percent of white rejectees have higher ACT scores than 50 percent of black admittees.

Less than 25 percent of white rejectees have higher grade point averages than the median black admittee (2.78). Yet the white 75th percentile (2.50) is greater than the black 25th percentile (2.48). In addition, it is lower than the 25th percentile Hispanic admittee score (2.75).

Graduation Rates

On average, 13 percent of blacks (n=14), 40 percent of Asians (n=10), 29 percent of Hispanics (n=132), and 45 percent of whites (n=2,122) finished after six years. Our earlier analysis found substantial evidence of race preference in admissions. The disparity in black student qualifications is reflected in the very low black graduation rates. This does not appear true for Hispanics. The qualifications of Hispanics were often as good as Asians and whites, but while their completion rates were better than blacks, they were worse than those whites and Asians. The Colorado Commission provided six-year completion rates for the classes of 1987, 1988, and 1989.

Mesa State College

Applicants, Admittees, and Enrollees

In 1995, 3,988 people applied for admission to Mesa State College and 3,527 (88 percent) were accepted. Fifty-nine percent of those admitted (2,098) decided to enroll. The overwhelming majority of applicants are white.

Mesa State College Applicants:

• 1.5 percent black
• 8.9 percent Hispanic
• 1.5 percent Asian
• 88.1 percent white

The racial and ethnic composition of those admitted to Mesa State College is roughly the same as the racial and ethnic composition of its applicant pool, although there are slightly fewer blacks, Asians and Hispanics, and a few more whites.

Mesa State College Admissions:

• 1.2 percent black
• 8.8 percent Hispanic
• 1.4 percent Asian
• 88.6 percent white

While the overall admissions rate was 88.4 percent, Mesa State College admitted proportionately fewer blacks and Asians.

Mesa State College Rates of Admission:

• 72.9 percent of blacks
• 87.6 percent of Hispanics
• 83.1 percent of Asians
• 88.4 percent of whites

The ethnic composition of enrollees also differs little from that of the applicant pool, although there are slightly fewer blacks and Asians, and slightly more whites and Hispanics compared to the applicant pool.

Mesa State College Enrollees:

• 1.1 percent black
• 9.0 percent Hispanic
• 1.1 percent Asian
• 88.8 percent white

Differences in Enrollee SAT Scores

Figure 31
Enrollee SAT Scores, Mesa State College
The Colorado Commission reported combined SAT scores for 16 percent of enrollees (229 students) at the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentiles. (See Figure 31.) Asian scores are not reported because there were too few of them.

Black SAT scores are considerably lower than comparable scores for whites and Hispanics. The difference between black and white SAT medians is 210 points, while the white-Hispanic difference is 45 points. The black median is lower than Hispanic and white scores at the 25th percentile. In other words, half the black enrollees scored lower than 75 percent of Hispanic and white enrollees.

There is more overlap in scores between Hispanics and whites, although Hispanic scores at the 50th and 75th percentiles are lower. The Hispanic median is 45 points lower than the white median, while the Hispanic score at the 75th percentile is 18 points lower. At the 25th percentile, Hispanics slightly outscore whites.

Differences in Enrollee ACT Scores

Figure 32 reports composite ACT scores for 75 percent of all enrollees (1,569 students). ACT scores among racial and ethnic groups show some overlap. Whites have higher scores at the 25th and 50th percentile than do members of other groups. The white median is the same as the ACT score for blacks and Hispanics at the 75th percentile. That is, half the white enrollees have scores equal to or better than 75 percent of Hispanic and black enrollees.

Differences in Enrollee GPAs

Figure 33
Enrollee GPAs, Mesa State College
Black GPAs are lower than those of Asians, Hispanics, and whites. The black median GPA is .65 lower than the Asian and white medians and more than half a grade point lower than the Hispanic median. The black 75th percentile GPA is roughly the same as the Asian and white GPA at the 25th percentile, while also lower than the Hispanic median. (See Figure 33.)

White and Asian Rejectees vs. Black and Hispanic Admittees

Most white rejectees have combined SAT scores higher than the median SAT score for black enrollees. The combined SAT score for white rejectees at the 25th percentile (690) is higher than the median for black enrollees (650), meaning that more than 75 percent of white rejectees have higher scores than half of the black enrollees. Differences in ACT scores for white rejectees versus black admittees follow a similar pattern. (ACT scores for black admittees are a weighted average of ACT scores of enrollees and of admittees who went elsewhere.) The white rejectee median score (18) is equal to the median ACT scores for black admittees (18). Thus, half of all whites who were rejected by Mesa State have ACT scores equal to or greater than half of the blacks admitted to Mesa State. The median GPA for white rejectees (2.50) is higher than that of black admittees (2.45). Slightly less than half and more than a quarter of white rejectees have higher ACT scores and GPAs than the Hispanic admittee median (18.4 and 2.82). Furthermore, the top 25 percent of white rejectees have higher scores than all but the top 25 percent of Hispanic admittees.

Graduation Rates

A large majority of students at Mesa State failed to graduate in six or fewer years. Hispanics graduate at the highest rate (34 percent), followed by whites and blacks. The graduation rate for blacks is substantially lower than that for whites. It is less than half the average graduation rate for Hispanics. On average, 16.7 percent of blacks (n=6), 34 percent of Hispanics (n=63), and 30 percent of whites (n=955) finished after six years. It is likely that the slight Hispanic predominance is due to the large completion rate for 1988. In 1989, which included half of all Hispanic students studied, the graduation rate was 25 percent. The numbers are based on six-year completion rates for the classes of 1987, 1988, and 1989. No data on Asians or blacks in 1987 and 1988 were provided, due to too few cases.

Metropolitan State College of Denver

Applicants, Admittees, and Enrollees

In 1995, 10,559 people applied for admission to the Metropolitan State College of Denver and 9,719 (92 percent) were accepted. Of these, 62.5 percent (6,074) decided to enroll. Most applicants were white.

Metropolitan State College Applicants:

• 7.7 percent black
• 12.6 percent Hispanic
• 3.8 percent Asian
• 75.9 percent white

The racial and ethnic composition of those admitted to Metropolitan State College is roughly the same as the racial and ethnic composition of its applicant pool.

Metropolitan State College Admissions:

• 7.0 percent black
• 12.6 percent Hispanic
• 3.8 percent Asian
• 75.9 percent white

While the overall admissions rate was 92 percent, Metropolitan State College admitted proportionately more whites, and fewer blacks, Asians, and Hispanics.

Metropolitan State College Rates of Admission:

• 83.6 percent blacks
• 86.5 percent Hispanics
• 83.6 percent Asians
• 94.2 percent whites

The ethnic composition of enrollees also differs little from that of the applicant pool, although there are somewhat fewer blacks and more whites as a proportion of enrollees compared to the applicant pool.

Metropolitan State College Enrollees:

• 6.1 percent black
• 11.3 percent Hispanic
• 3.5 percent Asian
• 79.2 percent white

Differences in SAT Scores

Figure 34
Enrollee SAT Scores
Metropolitan State College
The SAT scores of white enrollees are consistently higher than those of blacks, Hispanics, and Asians. The gap is largest between whites and blacks, including a 180-point difference in the group medians. Hispanic and Asian scores are roughly equal, with Asians showing a slightly greater range. (See Figure 34.)

Differences in ACT Scores

Figure 35 reports composite ACT scores for 27 percent of enrollees (1,648 students). White scores are substantially higher than black, Asian, and Hispanic scores. The white 25th percentile score is the same as the Hispanic median, and higher than the median for blacks and Asians. This means that 75 percent of whites have higher ACT scores than half of the Hispanic enrollees, and more than half of the Asian and black enrollees. The gaps at the 75th percentiles are even larger than the median gaps.

Differences in GPAs

Figure 36
Enrollee GPAs
Metropolitan State College
There are modest differences in GPAs among racial and ethnic groups. Unlike the case for the test score results, the median GPA for Asians is the highest, followed by whites; Hispanics and blacks follow in order. The black-Asian difference is 0.3 of a grade-point. Nearly 75 percent of blacks and Hispanics have lower GPAs than the Asian median. (See Figure 36.)

White and Asian Rejectees vs. Black and Hispanic Admittees

White rejectee SAT scores at the 25th percentile (770) and Asian rejectee SAT scores at the 50th percentile were roughly equal to the median admittee scores of Hispanics (775) and higher than that of blacks (690). The white rejectee ACT median score (20) is higher than the black admittee score at the 75th percentile (19) and the Hispanic median (18). (ACT scores for black and Hispanic admittees are also weighted averages of enrollees and admittees who went elsewhere.) This means that half of all white rejectees had higher ACT scores than 75 percent of black admittees and half of all Hispanic admittees. The Asian rejectee median ACT score (17) is equal to the black admittee median (17), but lower than the Hispanic median. The median GPA of white rejectees (2.90) and Asian rejectees (3.00) is higher than the black enrollee median (2.70) and the Hispanic admittee median (2.70).

Graduation Rates

Whites and Asians have the highest graduation rate, followed by Hispanics. The black graduation rate is more than ten percent lower than the white graduation rate. On average, 17.5 percent of blacks (n=162), 28.2 percent of Asians (n=113), 21.2 percent of Hispanics (n=419) finished in six years, and 29.9 percent of whites (n=2,659) finished after six years. This finding also supports our view that, despite the superiority of black admittee grades to white rejectee grades, it is test scores rather than grades that are the major predictor of academic success in college performance. And it is test scores where the differences between white and black students are the greatest. These numbers are based on six-year completion rates for the classes of 1987, 1988, and 1989.

University of Colorado at Boulder

Applicants, Acceptances, and Enrollees

In 1995, 76 percent (n=14,830) of the 19,514 people who applied to the University of Colorado at Boulder gained admission. Of these, 42 percent (6,256 persons) subsequently enrolled. The overwhelming majority of applicants were white.

University of Colorado at Boulder Applicants:

• 2 percent black
• 6 percent Hispanic
• 5 percent Asian
• 87 percent white

The racial and ethnic composition of those accepted for admission is roughly the same as that of the applicant pool.

University of Colorado at Boulder Acceptances:

• 2 percent black
• 7 percent Hispanic
• 6 percent Asian
• 85 percent white

While the overall admissions rate is 76 percent, proportionately more Asians and Hispanics were accepted.

University of Colorado at Boulder Rates of Admission:

• 75 percent of blacks
• 86 percent of Hispanics
• 89 percent of Asians
• 75 percent of whites

The racial and ethnic composition of enrollees also differs little from that of the applicant pool.

University of Colorado at Boulder Enrollees:

• 2 percent black
• 7 percent Hispanic
• 7 percent Asian
• 84 percent white

Differences in Enrollee SAT Scores

Figure 37
Enrollee SAT Scores
University of Colorado at Boulder
The median combined SAT scores for whites is 205 points higher than that for blacks, and 70 points higher than the medians for Asians and Hispanics. In other words, 50 percent of whites enrolled at the University of Colorado at Boulder score at least 205 points higher than 50 percent of blacks enrollees. Fifty percent of whites score at least 70 points higher than half the Hispanic and Asian enrollees. In addition, the black-white gap is sufficiently great that the white 25th percentile is greater than the black median. In other words, only 25 percent of whites have combined scores equal to or less than 50 percent of blacks. Three-quarters of white students have combined scores better than half of black students. (See Figure 37.)

Differences in Enrollee ACT Scores

White enrollees generally have the highest ACT scores. Asians equal scores at the 75th percentile, but lower ones at the 50th and 25th percentiles. Hispanics consistently score lower than Asians and whites, and blacks consistently score lower than Hispanics. There is a four-point difference between blacks and whites at all three points of comparison. (See Figure 38.)

Differences in Enrollee GPAs

Figure 39
Enrollee GPAs
University of Colorado at Boulder
Like the SAT and ACT gaps, the gap in high school grade point averages is substantial. The Asian and the white GPAs at the 25th percentile are greater than the black median score, meaning that 25 percent of Asians and whites have lower GPAs than 50 percent of all blacks. Conversely, this means that 75 percent of all Asians and whites have higher GPAs than half of all blacks. The gap can also be seen by comparing median scores. The median Asian GPA is half a grade point (.5) higher than the median black GPA. The black-white difference is four-tenths of a grade point. (See Figure 39.)

White and Asian Rejectees vs. Black and Hispanic Admittees

The median SAT scores of white and Asian rejectees (940 and 920, respectively) are higher than the black admittee median (895) and 25th percentile Hispanic admittee score (880). This means that more than half of all white and Asian rejectees had higher SAT scores than half of all blacks and more than a quarter of all Hispanics who were offered admission. The median GPAs of white and Asian rejectees (2.8 and 2.7, respectively) is roughly equal to the 25th percentile black admittee GPA (2.7). This means that about half of all white and Asians who were denied admission had higher GPAs than about a quarter of blacks who were accepted. The median ACT score of white rejectees (21) is equal to the median ACT score of black admittees (21) and higher than the 25th percentile ACT score of Hispanic admittees (20.1). This means that half of all white rejectees had higher ACT score than half of all black admittees and that less than half but more than a quarter of white rejectees had higher ACT scores than Hispanic admittees.

Graduation Rates

Whites finish at proportionately higher rates than other groups, followed by blacks, Hispanics, and Asians. An average of 72 percent of whites finish after six years, compared to an average of 39 percent of blacks, 50 percent of Hispanics, and 64 percent of Asians. These findings on graduation rates parallel those on enrollee qualifications. Whites, with the strongest qualifications, are the most likely to finish and blacks, with the weakest qualifications, are the least likely to finish. Hispanics are less likely to finish than are Asians, despite their relatively equal academic qualifications. We have data on the six-year graduation rates for the classes of 1987, 1988, and 1989.

University of Colorado at Colorado Springs

Applicants, Admittees, and Enrollees

In 1995, 3,288 people applied for admission to the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs and 2,673 (81 percent) were accepted. Sixty-six percent of those admitted (1,767) chose to enroll. The overwhelming majority of applicants were white.

University of Colorado at Colorado Springs Applicants:

• 5.6 percent black
• 8.9 percent Hispanic
• 4.3 percent Asian
• 81.2 percent white

The racial and ethnic composition of those admitted to the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs is roughly the same as the racial and ethnic composition of its applicant pool. The overwhelming majority of admittees are white.

University of Colorado at Colorado Springs Acceptances:

• 5.0 percent black
• 8.1 percent Hispanic
• 4.0 percent Asian
• 83.1 percent white

While the overall admissions rate was 81 percent, the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs admitted proportionately more whites and Asians, followed by Hispanics, then blacks.

University of Colorado at Colorado Springs Rates of Admission:

• 66.3 percent blacks
• 74.1 percent Hispanics
• 81.4 percent Asians
• 83.1 percent whites

The ethnic composition of enrollees also differs little from that of the applicant pool, although there are slightly fewer blacks and Hispanics, and slightly more whites, as a proportion of enrollees compared to the applicant pool.

University of Colorado at Colorado Springs Enrollees:

• 4.6 percent black
• 7.8 percent Hispanic
• 4.0 percent Asian
• 83.5 percent white

Differences in SAT Scores

Figure 40
Enrollee SAT Scores
University of Colorado at Colorado Springs
The Colorado Commission reported combined SAT scores for 31.5 percent of enrollees (557 students) at the 25th, 50th, and 75th percentiles for each racial and ethnic group of enrollees at the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs. There is roughly a 100-point gap in medians between Asians and blacks, and a 90-point gap in medians between whites and blacks. The black median score is lower than the Asian score at the 25th percentile, and is only 30 points higher than scores for the bottom 25 percent of whites.

The gap in medians is even larger when comparing Hispanic, white and Asian scores. There is a 170-point gap in median scores between Hispanics and Asians, and a 160-point gap between whites and Hispanics. The Hispanic score at the 75th percentile (993) is slightly higher than white scores at the median, and is roughly the same as the Asian median.